Artigo Original
The construction of the alcoholic habitus and
alcohol consumption in the workplace among
military patients of the Brazilian Navy
A construção do habitus alcoólico e o consumo de bebidas
alcoólicas no trabalho entre pacientes militares da Marinha do Brasil
Elizabeth Espindola Halpern1, Ligia Maria Costa Leite2
Abstract
The purpose of this study was to identify factors related to the military profession, which, directly or indirectly, influence the
construction of alcoholism in military patients of the Brazilian Navy treated at the Center for Chemical Dependency. For six
years, beginning in 2003, the role that alcohol consumption played in the labor routine was examined through the reports of
such patients during the therapeutic sessions. For such, a qualitative research was applied, particularly the ethnographic
methodology, in which two therapeutic groups were observed using the participant observation technique. As a result, the
incorporation of standards of conduct related to the drinking throughout a military career was observed, constructing drinking
patterns, which we named alcoholic habitus.
Keywords: alcoholism; military; work conditions; culture.
Resumo
O propósito deste trabalho foi identificar os fatores relacionados à profissão militar, os quais, direta ou indiretamente, influenciam na construção do alcoolismo de pacientes militares da Marinha do Brasil, atendidos no Centro de Dependência Química. Durante seis anos, desde 2003, examinou-se o papel do consumo de álcool na rotina do trabalho por meio dos relatos
de tais pacientes durante as sessões terapêuticas. Para tal, empregou-se a pesquisa qualitativa, particularmente o método
etnográfico, por meio do qual foram observados dois grupos terapêuticos usando-se a técnica da observação participante.
Como resultado, constatou-se a ocorrência da incorporação de normas de conduta relacionadas com o ato de beber durante
a carreira militar, construindo padrões para consumo de bebidas, o qual foi nomeado de habitus alcoólico.
Palavras-chave: alcoolismo; militar; condições de trabalho; cultura.
Trabalho realizado no Instituto de Psiquiatria of da Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro (UFRJ) – Rio de Janeiro (RJ), Brasil.
1
Psicóloga; Doutoranda do Programa de Pós-Graduação em Psiquiatria e Saúde Mental do Instituto de Psiquiatria (IPUB) da UFRJ – Rio de Janeiro (RJ), Brasil.
2
Doutora em Comunicação pela UFRJ; Professora Colaboradora do IPUB-UFRJ – Rio de Janeiro (RJ), Brasil.
Endereço para correspondência: Ligia Maria Costa Leite – Instituto de Psiquiatria da UFRJ – Avenida Venceslau Brás, 71 – Botafogo – CEP 22290-140 –
Rio de Janeiro (RJ), Brasil – E-mail: [email protected]
Fonte de financiamento: nenhuma.
Conflito de interesse: nada a declarar.
356 Cad. Saúde Colet., 2011, Rio de Janeiro, 19 (3): 356-65
The construction of the alcoholic habitus
INTRODUCTION
Despite the preponderance of the reductionist biomedical model that confers to alcoholism the status of disease,
explained in terms of an underlying deviation from normal
function1, this disorder can be considered a biological and
sociological phenomenon, which is individually and collectively managed2. Ultimately, alcoholism becomes a multidetermined event that can be examined from different angles.
Therefore, alcoholism is herein examined from a sociocultural perspective, particularly among Brazilian military
patients of the Center for Chemical Dependency (CEDEQ),
based on their reports.
CEDEQ was created in 1997, and it is a treatment center
in charge of providing outpatient care to drug abusers who
are members of the Brazilian Navy. It is a pioneering initiative in the Brazilian Armed Forces, which reflects the official
beginning of undertakings related to chemical dependency.
The treatment program includes both group therapy and administration of psychiatric medication and it is carried out by
a team of psychologists, psychiatrists, and social workers that
assist servicemen. While it is available to military personnel
of all ranks over age 18, the totality (100%) belongs to the
rank of corporal: praças (enlisted personnel), who rank lower
in the military hierarchy that consists of the majority of the
military personnel.
The fact that there are no officers in the treatment, only
praças, motivated the investigation of the relationship between the naval military profession and alcohol consumption
among its members, a central aspect that will be discussed
along this text. Therefore, the objective of this study was to
examine how the Brazilian Navy environment contributes to
the construction of alcohol abuse and alcohol dependency
among Navy personnel, and its role in the production of what
is referred here as an alcoholic habitus, by examining two
groups of patients.
METHODOLOGY
This paper is the result of a qualitative research using the
ethnographic methodology, in which the first author examined two therapeutic groups by means of the participant observation technique. In such method, the interactionist perspective3 was particularly useful, enlightening the symbolic
dimensions of the alcoholism phenomenon, especially taking
into account that people’s selves are products of social interaction4. Considering that qualitative research frequently considers that sampling, data collection, analysis, and interpretation
are related to each other in an interactive way, rather than following one after another in a stepwise sequence, researchers
believe that this principle enabled them to gain better access to
the patients’ experiences, feelings, and social worlds5. Whitley
et al.6 suggest: “The complete process can thus be envisioned
as circular rather than linear, with feedback loops affecting
the ongoing research development”.
The research happened during immersion in the field
through long-term participant observation7 for six years,
performed by the first author of this article, who is also
one of the psychologists, a Brazilian navy officer, a Frigate
Captain (Capitão-de-Fragata), and the Chief of CEDEQ, to
generate breadth of comprehension and depth of understanding. Thus, a pattern was progressively formed while
assistance was given to patients belonging to the same corps
of praças. The inferences and impressions attained through
direct observations were followed by permanent record after
therapeutic sessions by using a field journal, following the
first author’s reasoning.
The two groups observed are called Motivational and
Consolidation Groups, the former corresponding to the first
stage of the treatment and the latter to the last stage, a posttreatment group. The treatment program, based on group
therapy, requires that the patients progress along five stages,
each lasting about four months. However, the treatment length
depended on each individual evolution, which is related to
the achievement of abstinence, and changes in the individual’s
mindset and attitudes about life. Each phase has some activities to be completed, such as readings, lectures, and movie
discussions, in accordance with the nature of the treatment
contract that the patient signed to entry in the program. The
two-hour therapeutic sessions were held twice a week, based
on the 12-step program of Alcoholics Anonymous.
Despite the constant changes in the composition of the
two groups during the study period, in general the number of
members of each group was about ten and the age group was
from 21 to 62, all praças, from seamen up to master chief petty
officers. Finally, it is important to emphasize that in 90% of
the cases alcohol was considered their “favorite” drug, present
either alone or together with other substances.
This research was approved by the Research Ethics Committee of the Brazilian Navy; register FR – No 306557 and CA
AE 0021.0.221.000.09.
Context
Recently, besides the outpatient treatment in CEDEQ,
there are other preventive strategies and rehabilitation procedures for the military workforce. Unfortunately, they are provided on a small scale and very few look for help. In general,
the emphasis of the health measurements is on the individual
who is diagnosed of abuse and dependence by strict criteria
Cad. Saúde Colet., 2011, Rio de Janeiro, 19 (3): 356-65 357
Elizabeth Espindola Halpern, Ligia Maria Costa Leite
for the clinical diagnosis, including the existence of particular
social, psychological, and physical symptoms, or who voluntarily seeks help. In fact, there are no researchers and very few
data concerning the involvement of the crew members with
drugs. Naval authorities are unacquainted with the major
issues related to alcohol dependency and their negative repercussions on workers and on the workplace.
Studies that were discussed during the fifth Anti-Drug
Week stressed that alcohol use was responsible for more than
339,000 occupational accidents in 2002, in Brazil. The director of the Department of Health and Safety of the Ministry of
Labor alleged that alcohol use in the Brazilian workplace is
responsible for 50% of absenteeism, 95% of chemical dependency, 90% of psychiatric emergencies, and 50% of deaths in
traffic accidents8.
As for drug abuse treatment costs, like those reported by
the Brazilian Unified Health System in health units, from 2002
to June 2006, they corresponded to BRL 36.887,442,95 (about
U$ 15.369,767,89)9. In addition, the 2007 National Survey on
patterns of alcohol use in the population, conducted among
3,007 individuals over 14 years of age who were residents of
143 municipalities in Brazil, showed that beer was the most
consumed beverage in all regions of the country10.
Despite alarming and widely known records attesting
that the issue of alcohol consumption in the workplace is a
matter of great concern, drunkenness in the Brazilian Navy
used to be a mitigating factor for certain offenses and military
crimes. Only recently this point of view has changed: the military codes began to consider intoxication as an aggravating
circumstance. Accordingly, disciplinary measures were instituted to eliminate alcohol consumption on board in order to
avoid severe consequences.
During the 19th century, Brazilian Navy cachaça (rum)
was the preferred drink, disseminated among sailors and officers, which was inspired by what took place in the British
Royal Navy. Alcohol served as a balm to soften the harshness
of life on board and was especially helpful in killing thirst.
According to Greenhalgh11, wine was replaced by cachaça as
part of sailors’ diet, a practice that rapidly became widespread
and was responsible for the majority of acts of indiscipline
that occurred on military vessels and related establishments.
Pack12 points out that water and beer were the two ways to
ease thirst in the sea in 1655. During an attack in Jamaica,
rum was introduced to the British Royal Navy vessels, and
its daily distribution was allowed. However, in 1740, Admiral
Vernon reformulated the ingredients of the ration of rum,
adding lemon, sugar, and water to create grog. The new recipe
reduced the risk of accidents, sickness, and uncontrolled consumption. Schedules for its intake, twice daily, were also ar358 Cad. Saúde Colet., 2011, Rio de Janeiro, 19 (3): 356-65
ranged. However, inebriation and disruptive behaviors due to
alcohol abuse never ceased.
Currently, in the U.S. Armed Forces, heavy alcohol use is
a persistent problem that concerns authorities leading them
to constant development and application of protective health
measures and instructions by the Department of the Navy,
such as the Drug and Alcohol Abuse Prevention and Control Policy13. Studies involving military personnel revealed
that they often use alcohol in an attempt to cope with stress,
monotony, isolation, and the lack of other recreational activities. Furthermore, the use of alcohol can be influenced by the
existence of shared beliefs and practices, particularly among
those who work in groups14,15.
In addition, young Navy personnel confirmed the easy
availability of alcohol16 both in the general population and in
occupational settings17, as well as the existence of ritualized
drinking opportunities and inconsistent policies, which mold
a work culture that facilitates heavy and binge drinking in
this population, encouraging alcohol consumption at work,
on land bases, and during deployment liberties as part of a
cultural tradition18,19.
RESULTS
Praças of the Brazilian Navy: domination processes and
alcoholism
Praças are positioned at the base of the social pyramid, in
a field where they are submitted to specific rules of this social
arena and they are evaluated by the relative weight of their
possessions20. In fact, they struggle to overcome their lack of
symbolic capital in the shape of diplomas, positions, lifestyles,
and honorific privileges, such as the use of specific clothing
and arms bearing, that is, the absence of symbolic distinctions,
which reveals their lower social position21. Their position in
this field establishes a kind of configuration determining the
arrangement of two mutually dependent groups, the established and the outsiders, which is a pattern that stimulates
domination-subjection relationships that can exclude and
stigmatize individuals22. Officers (established) occupy a position of prestige and power, known as the “good society”; on
the other hand, praças (outsiders) receive a label of inferiority.
Tagging and attributing an inferior human value assure the
perpetuation of both the social superiority and the inferiority
of a person or group. It involves domination, which is supported by the will to obey and by the belief in its legitimacy23.
Also, symbolic violence20 may also be present in the experience of this group, explaining the influence dominant
groups exert on the dominated by imposing their categories
The construction of the alcoholic habitus
of thought and perception. The subjugated group, in turn,
takes the social order for granted, as if the dominants are
“right”, thus perpetuating this condition. That is why Bourdieu24 considers it a more refined type of violence, which is
present in institutions and in the core of each social relationship. In general, it is invisible, imperceptible, and unknown.
It can be tolerated whenever certain virtues are involved,
such as confidence, obligation, loyalty, debt, recognition, and
compassion. Although the use of physical punishment is no
longer permitted, symbolic violence may persist sometimes
more powerful than the physical one, because it is embedded
in the very modes of action and structures of individuals’
cognition. In fact, a subtle game related to the struggle for or
maintenance of social positions may be present, evoking feelings of superiority and inferiority among military personnel,
even though this experience may take place unconsciously.
The following statement illustrates this: “I had to bear what
my superior told me, with my mouth shut! He did not listen
to me. I had a headache and my blood pressure spiked. Now
that they know that I have that disease [alcoholism], my word
became rubbish.”
The application of successive penalties to corporals of
CEDEQ seems to produce a progressive annihilation of their
personalities, lowering their self-confidence and self-esteem,
and enticing them to commit even more mistakes. Indeed,
though it has a general application, the Discipline Regulation
of the Navy25 is more widely applied to corporals than to officers, suggesting the presence of domination-subjection processes in the workplace. By hearing the patients, it is believed
that such situation may lead to alcoholism. Seligmann-Silva26
considers domination and subjugation processes as possible
causes of the outbreak of psychopathological disturbances related to the loss of autonomy and the complete annihilation of
desires, and the author hopes: “In the Navy, we feel coerced all
the time. It gets to the point in which an individual becomes
shameless, does not care about anything anymore, or becomes
narrow minded, taking things too seriously.”
Silva Filho27 states that there is a kind of individual and
collective resistance before domination by analyzing the
interpersonal complicities, secrets, and “scams.” Alcohol
consumption may represent a sort of silent and unconscious
resistance, an attempt to escape onboard oppression, superiors’ abuse, or colleagues’ betrayal: “Now, everybody is ‘picking
on me,’ just because I came to the CEDEQ. The worst ones are
the corporals themselves, worse than the officers! They should
be supporting us, but they are false.”
Seligmann-Silva26 indicates that the risk conditions for
alcoholism are associated with the existence of unprivileged
social activities, in which the possibility of qualification and
promotion is restricted and the tasks or materials involved are
considered unpleasant or repugnant. Patients report that they
usually get lower scores on professional assessments, which
jeopardizes their careers: “When I arrived drunk on board
nobody would say anything. Now that I am clean, everybody
gives me a suspicious look. They lowered my grade and kicked
me out of the department.”
The Brazilian military profession is regulated by the
Military Statute28, a document that regulates the status, obligations, duties, and prerogatives of Armed Forces members
(terms such as “individual” or “subject” are not used in the
text of this Act), who must show personal and professional involvement. The execution of military duties goes beyond the
mere completion of daily tasks; progressively, service people
become involved in the organizational lifestyle, comprising
an esprit de corps. They develop the military pride, love, and
enthusiasm, which is necessary to construct a professional
military identity throughout a process that occurs through
the interactions among peers29,30. The incorporation of hierarchy and discipline precepts as the institutional basis of the
Armed Forces further narrows the professional links and
personal commitments of members. These aspects comprise
the very foundation of the military organism (a body with autonomous existence), which can be understood as the perfect
duty execution by each component, such as the parts of an
assembly with mechanical function, indicating an impersonal
way of treating individuals. Although service people are informed about the existence of these aspects in military training schools, it is possible that many are neither fully aware of
their seriousness and/or are unconscious of the full meaning
of the loyalty oaths they proclaimed to their country, including the sacrifice of one’s own life.
While military personnel are subject to the Military Statute, there is a gap between what is written and what actually
occurs routinely. It is difficult for the military personnel to fulfill what is expected from them. Nevertheless, they are evaluated, judged, or condemned by their noncompliance with the
laws. It is believed that in between these gaps, disturbances,
failures, and transgressions may occur as a manifestation of
the discrepancy between practice and theory. However, these
expectations must not be naturalized; they were historically
and socially determined.
The current military profile based on certain principles,
values, and ethics is the result of a construction that began
during the creation of the Modern State in the 16th century,
as evidenced by its administrative, authoritarian, and centralized features. Certain concepts were introduced during then,
such as hierarchy, inspection systems, and parades, marching
in file, permanent registration, and judgment and measureCad. Saúde Colet., 2011, Rio de Janeiro, 19 (3): 356-65 359
Elizabeth Espindola Halpern, Ligia Maria Costa Leite
ment procedures. The same logic was applied to sailors, since
greater expertise was needed to staff more sophisticated vessels designed for navigation in the oceans for an extended
period, thus directly influencing the sailors’ identity31.
Since the 19th century, punishments gradually shifted from
a predominant focus on the body to those directed at the soul:
heart, intellect, will, and inclinations. They focused on gaining
individuals’ submission32. This conception shaped ideas such
as “dying for your country.” Therefore, the requirement to fit
the Navy military profile originated from a military model,
which was built during a certain period of history from a formerly social, political, cultural, and economic contingency.
Based on this model, the paradigm of an ideal soldier prevails:
the citizen-soldier of Machiavelli and Nassau who is subjected
to precepts and values that were imported or copied from
foreign models. Nevertheless, these prototypes have been
naturalized as if they were an intrinsic and compulsory part
of the military profile and identity. As a result, the inability of
certain individuals to adapt to this model should not indicate
a shortcoming, deficiency, or pathology, but the existence of
disparity before an inappropriate model. However, by the end
of the 19th century in Brazil, service people were used as an
instrument to strengthen patriotism, in which awareness,
cohesion, and discipline were necessary: “the caserns would
be the filter of Brazilian’s ‘negative character’[…]”33.
Building the naval military profile: failure in daily labor
The creation of the Brazilian Navy followed a process
that took place over a long period, embedded in a complex
structure based on sophisticated regulatory and bureaucratic
framework. Similarly, the naval military profile should be
mentally programmed to obey and command.
Failures are identified by military standards in terms of
adequacy and capacity based on the 84 disciplinary misdemeanors, liable to punishment, which are listed in the Discipline Regulation of the Navy25. It still contains traces of the
spirit of the Armed Provisional Regiment (approved in 1796)
and its articles of war (approved in 1800), both inspired by
the draconian 1763 Code of the Count of Lippe. This code,
the basis of Portuguese and Brazilian military legislation, was
considered barbaric and monstrous. Although this Regulation should be applicable to all military personnel, in practice
its use varies according to subjective interpretation of what
should be considered proper behavior. As a result, failures
should be submitted to correction, discipline, and sanction.
In the past, a sailor needed to have physical strength to
survive the adverse conditions of ocean life, such as rotten
food and water unsuitable for drinking, an environment suitable only for “subhuman” types recruited by force34. The use
360 Cad. Saúde Colet., 2011, Rio de Janeiro, 19 (3): 356-65
of brute force, such as in whipping, which persisted until the
“Whip Revolt – it took place in Rio de Janeiro and involved
thousands of Brazilian Navy sailors who rebelled against
the use of physical punishments for their faults. Since then,
this sort of punishment has been abolished – in 1910, was a
method considered necessary for the ship’s survival. Currently,
although the use of whip is outdated, whenever a member disregards the articles of the Discipline Regulation of the Navy,
he/she will be judged and could be punished. Based on the
patients’ reports, their subjectivity is not taken into account
when a mistake or an illness occurs: “They do not believe that
alcoholism is a disease; they think it is a ‘kick out.’ We are just
a single piece in the organization; nobody cares if you have
feelings or family.”
Alcoholism became a subsistence maneuver, particularly
among enlisted men. Consequently, alcohol use enables a
cycle whereby drinking, as a way to ease stress, produces
more failure in the work routine, thus increasing the chances
of being punished again. Accordingly, another patient said:
“I count the minutes to go out with my buddies to the bar. I
need to forget everything, my chief, the ‘cleanups,’ the charges.
There I can relax!”
Alcoholic habitus
The concept of habitus, proposed by Bourdieu20 as an
ability of a particular social structure to be built by agents
(individuals) through conditions of feeling, thinking, and
acting, helped identifying the existence of the alcoholic habitus, which is a concept conceived by Professor João Ferreira
da Silva Filho35 that shapes individuals’ social experiences
in the Navy work environment. Likewise, by incorporating
Bourdieu’s concept, the alcoholic habitus molds behaviors,
attitudes, and thoughts for consuming alcohol. It refers to a
matrix of perceptions and appreciations, the internalization
of a disposition, almost postural, shared by individuals who
have the same tastes and social trajectories, which are permanently updated and gradually assimilated by individuals and
sustained by the Brazilian Navy traditions. In fact, the patients
revealed that along the working journey, an entire set of behaviors related to the accomplishment of military tasks tends
to be linked to drinking practices that can gradually lead to
alcohol abuse or even dependency.
Additionally, the alcoholic habitus is inculcated in
their minds since admission into the Brazilian Navy and
it is strengthened throughout their careers, reinforced by
myths and beliefs associated with both virility and happiness. While they are immersed in the same culture, sharing
a common language that includes the use of certain jargon,
jokes, and gestures, the bonds among mates are strength-
The construction of the alcoholic habitus
ened, as it is their desire to consume beverages. Ultimately,
alcohol use enhances feelings of belonging and increases ties
of solidarity. Behavior standards are learned mainly through
group interactions, molding manners of use during ritual
opportunities36,37.
Thus, patients of the CEDEQ share a drinking inclination, and the military system helps to create a disposition to
drink that is socially determined. A universe of individual
and collective practices of drinking is present, not restricted
to the act of consuming alcohol, but including the existence of
elements that reinforce it: drinking opportunities, creation of
partnerships, and learning specific grimaces and manners of
speaking, all of which comprise an alcoholic habitus. It is progressively consolidated among military personnel and molds
the identities of those who share a certain mood and mindset,
making them more inclined to keep relationships of complicity and empathy, as it can be seen in the following statement
of a patient: “I go with my pals to ‘Broadway’ – a place near
the Navy district in Rio de Janeiro where they drink and have
fun –. There, we ‘loosen up’ and forget the issues on board.”
Thus, drinking alcohol is a learning process, which transmits
and produces, consciously or unconsciously, ways of living
that are deeply internalized, directly or indirectly linked to
the naval culture, values, and precepts.
DISCUSSION
The long-term participant observation, not only in
chronological terms, but also as a methodological posture,
provided a privileged opportunity to understand the role of
the Brazilian Navy organization in the development of alcohol
abuse and dependency. This period enabled the researchers
to capture and elaborate further meanings, particularly by
gaining a broader perspective on patients’ alcohol addiction.
This direct contact allowed us to grasp a broader significance
of their sociability, modes of behaving, and ways of thinking
that reinforce alcohol consumption and the correlated behavior problems. Therefore, it could be seen that the alcoholic
habitus is produced not only with the aid of naval traditions
that create drinking opportunities, but also as a result of the
incorporation of a profound link between alcohol consumption and the accomplishment of job assignments by a group, a
learning process that daily teaches how, why, when, and what
to drink. However, the workplace is not the only arena where
these experiences take place. The professionals are commonly
seen drinking in brothels and bars with vagabonds and prostitutes as masculine behavior and a way to experience relief
from job pressures38. “We used to go straight to a tavern to
have a time off. I can forget my supervisor, my problems, even
my wife. I will tell her I am on duty, I cannot go back home,
not today” (CEDEQ patient).
It has become evident that alcohol abuse and alcohol
dependency are more than medical disorders; additionally,
alcohol is not only a substance that produces chemical effects on individuals. There is a wide range of effects that are
elicited by the use of alcohol, which varies according to different cultures, societies, and historic circumstances. In fact,
it could be seen that this substance affects patients’ minds,
acting as a shield capable of diminishing anxiety in the face
of conflicts, producing a dulling effect as a response to environmental pressures, and forging a shallow euphoria. In a certain sense, this may be regarded as in line with the notion of
blasé39, a typical consequence of the lifestyle in big cities that
overwhelms the subjectivity of the individual and provides a
way to assure personal liberty. Durkheim’s40 anomie, a result
of the frustration caused by the rough and uncertain social
conditions of existence in urban centers, in which norms are
weak, conflicting, or absent, could also help to understand the
increase in alcohol abuse.
Alcohol use could be one way of dealing with intricate
professional and personal requirements, a mean to manifest opposition to these expectations. In reality, the military
organization sends a double message to its contingency: it
maintains a sort of ambivalent position towards drinking
on board, both supporting and condemning alcohol use. A
great number of service people is authorized to drink under
implicit codes, unless they incite disciplinary and administrative problems. Officers try to hide their alcohol use, mainly
because they seem to be more concerned about their careers
and prestige: “I used to drink a lot. From the moment I was
caught, when I deserted, I was tagged as a drunker. I was
forced to go to CEDEQ against my will. Everybody began
to label me as an alcoholic.” Therefore, there is a difference
between “being a drinker” and “being a drunkard.” According to the Navy’s veiled conventions, this line is crossed when
one goes over certain boundaries. This may occur whenever
the authority of a department, battalion, or any other military
site is jeopardized. In response, the Command shall restore
the previous condition, taking disciplinary measurements as
a demonstration of leadership and control, and reestablishing
the boundary line that was disrupted. This study confirms
previous observations in this same setting showing that certain working conditions and labor processes peculiar to the
Brazilian Navy may make individuals vulnerable to alcohol
abuse and alcoholism35. In a different context, their “mistakes”
could have passed unnoticed. Actually, the patients’ way of
drinking appears to be a life strategy to fulfill their existence,
and, paradoxically, it is an escape. Beverages endow brief
Cad. Saúde Colet., 2011, Rio de Janeiro, 19 (3): 356-65 361
Elizabeth Espindola Halpern, Ligia Maria Costa Leite
moments of power, freedom, and happiness after a hard daily
routine.
Those individuals are immersed in a social network, a web
of social meanings41, considering that people exist in webs of
significance42. The phenomenon of alcoholism is a language
that unveils inconsistencies within the institution. It addresses
the existence of other institutional issues to be discussed and
overcame, perhaps including those related to outdated regulations, issues of power, and the need to implement health policies and preventive measures towards drug and alcohol abuse
and dependency.
Their experiences suggest that their bond with the military
profession is not automatic; this occupation produces deeper
and global identity dimension effects and requires stronger
commitments involving different facets of one’s life, both
professional and personal. In addition, hierarchy produces
conflicting experiences, along with ambivalent feelings of love
and hate for the institution. Adaptation difficulties and resentments may be expressed by the emergence of diseases and
misbehaviors, which indicates difficulty in fulfilling the requirements and expectations set forth in the Military Statutes.
The patients of the CEDEQ may not be considered a
representative sample of the entire Brazilian Navy population
in statistical terms, unable to typify the naval contingent as
a whole. Yet, an explanatory model could definitely be built
from a small scale and promptly tested, expanded, or even
revised to investigate similar aspects on a larger scale22. Although patients of the CEDEQ represent a tiny fraction of the
naval contingent, they reveal wider dimensions of the alcohol
addiction issue at the heart of the institution, besides the biomedical point of view. However, this fraction could highlight
the characteristics of a greater set, displaying typical behavior
forms related to alcohol consumption43.
Moreover, there was no intention to judge the position of
dominant groups (established) in relation to praças (outsiders). The argument of this article is derived from a choice of
a certain angle of analysis: the patients’ viewpoint. To deeply
understand them, it was necessary to give full weight to their
perspective44.
The ethnographic method was a valuable tool45, capable of
eliciting the participants’ standpoint and allowing an understanding of their world, including issues such as oppression,
conflict, struggle, and power, in accordance to the critical
ethnography goal46,47. Critical research enabled the inspection
of organizations, such as the Brazilian Navy, to examine it
within its historical, social, cultural, and political contexts48, a
highly useful key to enlarge knowledge through the dialectical process of historical revision that allows generalizations
in similar settings49. Therefore, this research considered this
362 Cad. Saúde Colet., 2011, Rio de Janeiro, 19 (3): 356-65
perspective, mainly the analysis of the role of power relations
in the Brazilian Navy setting. The participant observation50-52
provided a reflexive learning by using direct observation and
participation.
The findings obtained through participant observation
were embedded in the Navy context; that is, in one of its facilities, a faction of the Navy’s natural environment. This location, in contrast with what occurs in civil hospitals, appears
to provide a familiar atmosphere since a great number of
military personnel went there during their working hours, as
they consider it an extension of their workplace. At CEDEQ,
patients take part in the same therapeutic process and are submitted to similar norms, language, and codes. In fact, CEDEQ
is not only a therapeutic site, it is the Navy itself, another facet
of the Brazilian Navy.
Additionally, in contrast with what occurs in the civil
sphere, after the group session a sort of connection among
patients may persist, since they all share the same universe. In
general, they have already met before and have friends, or even
enemies, in common. Thus, their bond is not extinguished
after treatment; there is always a chance to get together again.
“I know this pal! We used to go to the bars during the deployment liberties. I am impressed! You should have seen this guy
drinking then; he liked to ‘take booze’! ‘You have changed,
man!’ – addressing the speaker.”
The qualitative methodology requires the elucidation of
the researcher’s role, a central issue in this study, since appraising qualitative research depends on the transparency with
which the research process is described. As Weber53 postulates, the selection of research topics can be influenced by the
researcher’s values, personal interests, or social commitments.
He also notes that all recognizable researcher’s perspectives,
social positions, and professional background must be considered during the research design, execution, and analysis,
and should be rigorously explicit, both to the researcher and
to the addressees. The relevance of the interaction between
interviewers and respondents is demonstrated in a study carried out by Richards et al.54.
First, the previous theoretical frames related to psychoanalysis influenced the researcher’s initial observations, since
she is a psychologist and one of the therapists of the groups. In
the beginning of the research, she focused chiefly on alcohol
consumption as a symptom of the patients’ psychic disorders.
Additionally, probably because of her military education and
immersion in the military context, she was influenced by the
predominant belief among officers that career problems and
punishments are derived mainly from their bad behavior, a
result of their inability to run their lives and avoid drinking.
Nevertheless, there was constant concern to ensure that the
The construction of the alcoholic habitus
investigation would be divested of value judgments about
them and that the focus was on understanding their behaviors and meanings of their alcoholic disturbance. This attitude
allowed more accurate perceptions, such that internal motivations and personal stories did not prevail in their speeches.
Likewise, as an officer and a woman, the researcher was
conscious of social background differences, as well as ways
of living and thinking. The patients usually belong to an underprivileged group, from a socioeconomic point of view. For
example, it is increasingly common for them to live far away
from their work, in poor districts, or even in slums. Few can
afford to buy a house and many build their homes on the same
land as a relative, while there are those who live on board
because they have no money to go back home. The majority
of these patients have multiple loans, with an interest rate of
50% per month, obtained from “loan sharks” (called caveiras
– “skulls” – in Portuguese).
Eventually, the gap between the researcher and the patients was reduced by her permanent attention and cautious
attitude about these differences; she kept her mind focused on
what they had to say and put them at ease with her psychoanalytic listening skills, the ability to “read between the lines.”
Thus, she developed a deeper understanding of the meaning
of alcohol compulsion after hearing their life stories in depth,
resulting in reduced prejudices and misconceptions, both
about alcohol abuse and about the group of praças.
Although in the beginning they were suspicious of her
role as a military therapist, they overcame their uncertainties
as the therapeutic process advanced, eventually substituting
mistrust with confidence and closeness. The Navy personnel
perceived that she could understand them as well as their
universe, including their labor routine, slangs, and customs,
similar to her own experiences, challenges, and difficulties
as a military officer. At first, the patients were cautious about
expressing their complaints against the Brazilian Navy; later,
as they felt more confident, they shared their disappointments
and resentments about it. At a certain point they asked if she
could be their spokeswoman, someone who could bridge
the gap between officers and praças: “I wonder if you could
represent us, explain to the authorities about our disease. You
know, alcoholism is a disease. We are not kidding! We need
doctors, medications. When you meet them, please, explain
our situation.”
Furthermore, during the first years of observation, her
aim was strictly therapeutic. Then she realized that her personal records could be a source for a research, especially after
identifying the institution’s responsibility in the development
of alcohol abuse and alcoholism, a dimension of great importance that is often neglected. Only later she realized that
the cultural and social aspects of the drinking habit on board
could be understood as an alcoholic habitus. In the effort to
investigate the development of the alcoholic habitus, it was
easier to gain access to this group, which was available twice a
week, in good disposition to share their thoughts and feelings
due to the therapeutic rapport. As the chief of CEDEQ, she
is in a privileged position from which she could easily undertake the investigation, having access from within, even the
understanding of a certain sociological configuration could
be outlined after a long period of observation and intimacy.
Different researches conducted in any other site of the Brazilian Navy would have imposed obstacles, such as the obtainment of authorization to be an observer or an interviewer on
a ship. Researchers have mentioned how difficult it is to access
the Brazilian Army30. It is particularly hard to overcome the
chain of command, denials, administrative requirements, and
suspicions, chiefly when the subject is alcoholism.
The researcher’s reasoning was not produced linearly3,
there was an attempt to capture the movements of mutual interaction between the researcher and the elements of the field,
not only by hearing their reports, but also by observing how
they accomplished Navy job requirements during the period
of treatment, including the obstacles they had to overcome to
go to CEDEQ. They usually have to overcome administrative
and military requirements to obtain permission to be absent
from daily duties to commence therapy. They frequently report that they have to endure constant skepticism about the
treatment’s relevance and they have to face the resentment of
colleagues who have to take over their assignments, while they
are away on treatment. Generally, supervisors and colleagues
expect that they give up the treatment or get better quickly to
keep up with their job assignments, since duties are usually
considered more important than the treatment.
CONCLUSIONS
Finally, though alcohol abuse and alcoholism are issues
widely present in the naval military daily life, only a few are
aware of the predominant vision that alcoholism is a disease.
In fact, the main standpoint of this article, considering that
alcohol abuse and alcoholism should be understood from a
cultural understanding perspective, is even more uncommon.
The idea that it is a matter that should be dealt administratively is predominant. Nevertheless, we hope that this study
could help to move this discussion forward, at least indicating
the existence of certain inconsistencies.
It should be stressed that even professionals that belong to
CEDEQ have many doubts and have to face contradictions.
In fact, they are not completely comfortable about their role,
Cad. Saúde Colet., 2011, Rio de Janeiro, 19 (3): 356-65 363
Elizabeth Espindola Halpern, Ligia Maria Costa Leite
the therapeutic techniques, and the aim of CEDEQ. They
have to deal with differences of objectives of the patients and
the institution. They try to conciliate certain oppositions and
paradoxes. Despite the fact that they stimulate abstinence,
during the therapeutic sessions they do not press them to do
so; they try to help them understand the reasons why they
need drugs.
In conclusion, this study faced the task of dealing with the
subject of alcohol consumption in the Brazilian Navy demonstrating that it is not an object of interest, making it difficult
to map the scope of involvement in the problem, particularly
its repercussion in the workplace. If authorities were aware of
the real situation, workplace alcohol policies could be created
to avoid heavy and binge drinking, mostly during the work-
ing hours, to protect service people and the institution itself.
Although its consumption is a strategy used to endure certain
obstacles, patients often have to face dreadful consequences,
mainly losses in several levels, like financial problems, health
conditions, and family disorders, that is, issues that could be
avoided or reduced if the authorities had a better and wider
understanding of the institution participation in the construction of this phenomenon. Thus, this study may help to change
the prevalent idea that the patients should be blamed for their
situation. Many other aspects are involved in the construction
of alcoholism. Finally, we hope that Brazilian Navy can start
to realize that alcohol abuse and alcohol dependency is not a
matter restricted to the user, it involves other issues, namely
social and cultural ones.
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Recebido em: 28/01/2011
Aprovado em: 07/09/2011
Cad. Saúde Colet., 2011, Rio de Janeiro, 19 (3): 356-65 365