Bulletin of Portuguese - Japanese Studies
ISSN: 0874-8438
[email protected]
Universidade Nova de Lisboa
Portugal
de Oliveira, Francisco Roque
NA ABA DA VESTIDURA: BIBLIOGRAPHICAL ESSAY ON THE RELATIONS BETWEEN PORTUGAL
AND MING CHINA
Bulletin of Portuguese - Japanese Studies, vol. 17, 2008, pp. 21-78
Universidade Nova de Lisboa
Lisboa, Portugal
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BPJS, 2008, 17, 21-78
NA ABA DA VESTIDURA: BIBLIOGRAPHICAL
ESSAY ON THE RELATIONS BETWEEN PORTUGAL
AND MING CHINA *
Francisco Roque de Oliveira
Institute of Geography and Spatial Planning, University of Lisbon
Abstract
The contact between Europe and Ming China was mainly made through the
Portuguese or their information and merchant networks. As the true eyes of the West
in East Asia, at that time the Portuguese produced a number of informative sources
about China that are the basis of modern Sinology. In this essay we shall start by
characterizing the nature of Chinese studies in the Portuguese intellectual world. In
particular we will investigate about the existence of a true School of Chinese Studies
forged throughout five centuries of continuous relations between Portugal and China.
In the second part of the article we shall analyze in detail the two main segments
around which are organized the geographical and historical studies on this matter:
studies on Macao and those on the broader area of Portuguese-Chinese bilateral
relations. We will conclude with a description of the most recent editorial initiatives
aimed at the dissemination and critical study of the important Portuguese sources
on China written during the sixteenth and the first half of the seventeenth centuries.
Resumo
O contacto da Europa com a China Ming correspondeu, em boa medida, àquele
que então foi realizado por intermédio dos Portugueses ou das suas redes informativas e
mercantis. Verdadeiros olhos do Ocidente na Ásia Oriental, os Portugueses produziram
nessa época um conjunto de fontes informativas sobre a China que estaria na base da
moderna sinologia. Neste ensaio começaremos por caracterizar a natureza dos estudos
chineses no panorama intelectual português. Em particular, interrogar-nos-emos sobre
a existência de uma verdadeira Escola de Estudos Chineses forjada ao longo de cinco
* This article is a revised and updated version of our “Ensaio bibliográfico sobre as relações
luso-chinesas até à queda da dinastia Ming, c. 1513-1644”, Cronos – Cuadernos Valencianos de
Historia de la Medicina y de la Ciencia (Valencia), 8, December 2005, pp. 67-94. Our thanks go to
the Instituto de Historia de la Ciencia y Documentación López Piñero of the University of Valencia
and to the board of the journal “Cronos” who consented to the publication of this new version in
the Bulletin of Portuguese/Japanese Studies. E-mail: [email protected]
Francisco Roque de Oliveira
22
séculos de relacionamento ininterrupto entre Portugal e a China. Na segunda parte do
artigo procederemos à análise detalhada dos dois principais segmentos em torno dos
quais se encontram organizados os estudos histórico-geográficos sobre esta matéria:
os estudos sobre Macau e aqueles que tratam do domínio mais amplo das relações
bilaterais Portugal-China. Concluiremos com a descrição das mais recentes iniciativas
editoriais que visam a difusão e o estudo crítico das importantes fontes portuguesas
sobre a China escritas durante o século XVI e a primeira metade do século XVII.
要約
ヨーロッパと中国明朝との接触は、ポルトガル人あるいはその情報、商
業上のネットワークを仲介としておこなわれたといえる。当時、西洋側
の東アジアに対する実際の観察者であったポルトガル人たちは、近現代
の「中国学」の基礎ともいうべき、中国に関する情報を大量に作成し
た。本稿では、ポルトガル人の知識の視点から、中国研究の特徴を描き
出すよう試みるものである。とりわけここでは、5世紀にわたる中国＝
ポルトガル間の継続的な関係によって作り上げられた、実存する中国研
究学派に焦点を当てる。また本稿の後半部分では、この問題に関する歴
史地理学研究上の二つの重要な要素；①マカオ研究②より広範囲なポル
トガル＝中国関係、について詳細に分析する。最後に、同分野の基本文
献の紹介と、16世紀から17世紀の中葉までに記された中国に関するポル
トガル人の重要な情報について分析をおこなう。
Keywords:
Portugal-China relations, Portuguese Sinology, European perceptions about China,
History of Macao, Ming Dynasty
Relações luso-chinesas, Sinologia Portuguesa, Percepções europeias da China, História
de Macau, Dinastia Ming
中葡関係,ポルトガルの中国学,ヨーロッパの中国認識,マカオ史,明朝
1.
The original sin
20 December 1999, the day when the administration of the former
Portuguese colony of Macao was transferred to the People’s Republic of
China, was also the end of the longest period of continuous relations between
a European nation and the land of the Chinese. Those who had been the first
Na aba da vestidura
23
European protagonists of an imperial experience in East Asia were also the
last to return home.
Around 1557 – after almost forty years of direct but eventful contacts
between the Portuguese and China – Macao had made its mark as an exceptional enclave of the West at the other end of Eurasia, confirmed by a history
of nearly five hundred years. We know that the place and its fate were the
result of a combination between the thalassic logic that shaped the essence of
Portuguese expansion in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries and the shrewd
role of those merchants and private adventurers who, either by having a
head start on Lisbon or by getting round the authority delegated in Goa,
were skilled at taking advantage of the particularities of the Chinese tax
system and from there set up the main entrepot to engage in Chinese and
Japanese trade.
The “city-state” of Macao would soon demonstrate unusual ability to
resist when the logic behind its implantation was overtaken by the changes
in the Japanese domestic situation. This was marked by the reunification
achieved by the Tokugawa and by the affirmation of Dutch hegemony east
of Malacca which, in the first decades of the seventeenth century, ruined
the Iberian monopoly of long distance trade in what is now the Asia-Pacific
region and assaulted the Macao–Nagasaki-Manila trade triangle. Any analyst
caught unawares would also be surprised by the fact that the Portuguese
survived the taking of Canton by the Manchu in 1650 after more than
two decades in which Macao had trusted its administrative and political
autonomy in a clear, systematic commitment to the enfeebled Ming dynasty.
Later, neither the rise of British mercantile power in the East nor the
fact that Portugal had in the meantime re-centred its empire in the Atlantic,
were enough to prevent the continuation of the colonial experience invented
in Macao. And whilst it continued – after the Opium War, during the Second
World War or even after the convulsions wrought by the Chinese Cultural
Revolution in 1967 – it is natural that the “case of Macao” is not only affirmed
as an example par excellence of the paradoxical longevity that governed
several of the many colonial experiences of a small country like Portugal, but
makes us wonder about the vast and original legacy of knowledge on material and civil China that one would expect to have been bequeathed by such
enduring ties.
Now, whoever studies the mass of documents that survived this presence of centuries on the edge of the Chinese province of Guangdong, will
soon find that not only did the field of construction of Portuguese knowledge
about the Chinese universe fall short of the exceptional chronological conditions that were available to its building; from the beginning it challenges
the possibilities of full confrontation with other “imperial knowledge” of the
West. Two basic reasons help explain these two apparent contradictions.
24
Francisco Roque de Oliveira
In the first place, we must always count on the evidence that the colony
was restricted to the tiny territory of Macao and that in turn Macao had
inherited from the Portuguese Empire of the East the very specific genetic
characteristics of a territory that existed because of a naval and trade network and that it enjoyed a wide margin of self-government. Hence, unlike
the knowledge acquired in later or more classical colonial models, during
that time no comprehensive knowledge was produced about the land and its
men as usually accumulates when the administration is based on effective
metropolitan control with a specific administrative and political framework
of native populations and within the set-up of a more extended territorial
occupation.1
We must add to the limitations imposed by scant exercise of sovereignty
the specific quality of the people who since the early days of the Portuguese
presence in Macao were charged with the basic task of finding out about
Chinese culture and civilization: the missionaries of the Society of Jesus.
It is obvious that both before and mainly after the creation of the
college of São Paulo (1594-1597) the Jesuits were responsible for organizing the most important legacy of a simultaneously Portuguese and European
proto-Sinology. Naturally, we cannot forget the first inquiries into linguistic
matters made by the Spanish Augustinians stationed in the Philippines which
had recently been completed. We need only to evoke the works by Martín de
Rada on the dialect of the Fujian province or the dissemination of some of
his findings in what was then a very popular work: Historia de las cosas
mas notables, ritos y costumbres del gran reyno de la China by Juan González
de Mendoza (1585-1586). But, in any case, the truth is that all these introductions to the study of Chinese men and society are mingled with the studies
on erudite Chinese language and culture that missionaries such as Duarte de
Sande, Alessandro Valignano, Michele Ruggieri, Matteo Ricci, Adam Schall
von Bell, João Rodrigues Tçuzu, Tomás Pereira, Álvaro Semedo, António de
Gouveia or Gabriel de Magalhães carried out in Macao, or into China, thanks
to the support provided by the rearguard in Macao.2
Quite simply, the era of this group of notable individuals had not yet
invented the accuracy that Illuminist rationalism and scientism would lend
the same study object, nor did the chronic instability in the territory and the
proselytising strategy of the Society – which involved everyone – allow such
singular works as the ones passed down to us, to be enjoyed in a parallel
civil context. So, the expulsion of the Jesuits (decreed by Pombal in 1759,
1 See Hespanha (1999), pp. 15-19.
2 See Loureiro (2002a). An abbreviated version of the same article: Loureiro (2002b).
Na aba da vestidura
25
determining the extinction of the college of São Paulo in 1762) inevitably
compromised not only the internationalization but also the feasibility of
Portuguese Sinology.3
Almost a century passed before the so-called Macanese liberalism
returned to Chinese studies, mainly in those fields of linguistic, philology
and lexicography that this specific area of knowledge requires for strong
growth.4 As most of the main names here mean little or nothing to anyone
who is not familiar with the microcosm of the Macanese issues, they are well
worth highlighting, as are the more important works of the tradition they
recuperated.
In the first place, the Lazarist priest, Father Joaquim Afonso Gonçalves
(1781-1841) author of books such as Grammatica Latina ad usum sinensium juvencium (1828), Arte china constante de alphabeto e grammatica comprehendendo modelos das diferentes composiçoens (1829), Diccionario Portuguez-China, no estilo vulgar mandarim, e classico geral (1831), Diccionario
China-Portuguez (1833), Vocabularium Latino-Sinicum pronuntiatione mandarina latinis literis expressa (1836), Lexicon Manuale Latino-Sinicum (1939)
and Lexicon Magnum Latino-Sinicum (1841). One of the lost titles that Afonso
Gonçalves did not publish is a Dicionário Sínico-Latino.5
In the second place, Pedro Nolasco da Silva (1842-1912) who between
1885 and 1892 ran the Chinese administrative division (“Repartição do
Expediente Sínico”), a government body to which part of the functions of
the very honourable Procuracy of the Chinese Affairs of Macao had just been
transferred. He was in charge of training translators and interpreters and
civil servants in Mandarin Chinese and in the Cantonese dialect.6 Between
the school books and linguistic works Nolasco da Silva published O circulo
de conhecimentos em portuguez e china: para uso dos que principiam a aprender a língua chinesa (1884), Phrases usuaes dos dialectos de Cantão e Peking
(1884), Grammatica pratica da lingua chinesa (1886), Vocabulario e phrases
dos dialectos de Cantão e Pekim para uso dos alumnos da Escola Central de
Macau (1889), Compilação de phrases usuaes e de dialogos nos dialectos de
Peking e Cantão para uso dos alumnos da Escola Central de Macau (1894),
Os Rudimentos da lingua chinesa para uso dos alumnos da Escola Central
do Sexo Masculino (1895), Manual da lingua sinica escripta e fallada (4 vols,
1901-1903), Bussula do dialecto cantonense: adaptado para as escolas portu-
3 Aresta (1997a), p. 29; Aresta (1997b), p. 10; Hespanha (1999), pp. 20-21. See also Teixeira
(1982a), pp. 124-125.
4 See Aresta (1997b), pp. 10-12.
5 See Teixeira (1982a), pp. 125, 214-215; Aresta (1997b), p. 12; Aresta (1999), pp. 60-61.
6 See Teixeira (1982a), pp. 136-137; Paiva (2004), pp. 28-33.
26
Francisco Roque de Oliveira
guezas de Macau (1912) and Livro para o ensino da litteratura nacional =
Kuok Man Kau Fo Shu (1912).7
Throughout the first three decades of the twentieth century, Manuel
da Silva Mendes (1887-1931) – a Portuguese lawyer who settled in Macao
in 1901 – wrote several original texts on Taoism, which he synthesized in
Lao‑Tse e a sua doutrina segundo o Tao-Te-King (1908) and Excerptos de filosofia taoista: segundo o “Too Teh King” de Lao Tze e o “Nan Hua King” de
Chunag Tze (1930).8 But dominating this century was Luís Gonzaga Gomes
(1907-1976), author of a vast work in several fields ranging from the history of
Macao to translations, journalism and music.9 As regards Chinese linguistics
and language teaching, Gonzaga Gomes left us the following works: Vocabulário cantonense-português, (1941), Vocabulário português-cantonense (1942),
O Estudo dos Mil Caracteres (1944), Vocabulario Português-Inglês-Cantonense
(1954), Noções Elementares de Língua Chinesa (1958) and Frases de uso
corrente português-inglês-chinês (unpublished ms.). Also significant are
some of his versions of the Chinese Classics: O Clássico Trimétrico (Sanzijing) (1944), O Clássico da Piedade Filial (Xiaojing) (1944), As Quatro Obras
(Sishu) (1945) and O livro da via e da virtude de Láucio (Daodejing) (1952).10
His contemporary Canon António André Ngan (1907-1982) published what
for many years was the only bilingual book for use in schools: Método de
Português para uso das escolas chinesas (5 volumes, 1943-1951).11 Ngan was
also the author of a dictionary, Dicionário Português-Chinês and of Concordância sino-portuguesa de provérbios e frases idiomáticas (1973).12 The studies
by Graciete Nogueira Batalha (1925-1992) on the Macanese dialect (Batalha
1953a; Batalha 1953b; Batalha 1959; Batalha 1974; Batalha 1977; Batalha
1988; Batalha 1995) are also included in a similar field.
Joaquim Angélico de Jesus Guerra, S. J. (1908-1993) was the last great
Portuguese Sinologist of the twentieth century. Jesus Guerra invented a
Romanization system of Chinese language that did not succeed, though
systematized in his Chinês alfabético (1961).13 In the field of semantics, the
same author wrote Structural Semantics (1980) and an important Dicionário
Chinês-Português de Análise Semântica Universal (1981). Father Guerra was
7 See Aresta (1997b), pp. 14-15; Aresta (1999), pp. 64-77; Mesquita (2000), pp. 588-589, 599,
602 and 607.
8 See Aresta (1999), pp. 105-120.
9 See Tomás (1995).
10 See Aresta (1997a), pp. 29-30; Aresta & Oliveira (1997), pp. 9-11.
11 Aresta (1999), p. 172.
12 See Bruxo (2004), p. 28.
13 See Guerra (1992), pp. 318-324.
Na aba da vestidura
27
to distinguish himself in the translation into Portuguese and English of the
Chinese Classics: O Livro dos Cantares (Shijing) (1979; revised edition 1990),
Escrituras Selectas (Shujing) (1980; revised edition 1990), Quadras de Lu e
Relação Auxiliar (Chunqiu and Zuozhuan) (5 volumes, 1981-1983), Quadrivolume de Confúcio – Analectos (Lunju), A Grande Escola (Daxue), Harmonia
Perfeita (Jung Yung), Tratado da Piedade Filial (Xiaojing) (1984; revised edition 1990) –, As Obras de Mâncio (Mengzi) (1984; revised edition 1990),
O Livro das Mutações (Yijing) (1984; revised edition 1990), The Book of
Songs – Sundry texts from James Legge’s translation revised (1986), Prática da
Perfeição (Daodejing) (1987) and O Cerimonial (Liji) (3 volumes, 1987-1988).14
He also published a book of memoirs entitled Condenado à morte (1963), very
similar to the one wrote by the Dutch Jesuit, Dries Van Coillie.15
In any case it is important to bear in mind that the short list we have
presented essentially corresponds to a group of scholars and sinologists
labouring alone. That is precisely why this is not a case of a real school
of Chinese studies with the correspondent cycle of knowledge being passed
from master to student16. Moreover, rather like the great pioneering figures
whose bright flame died somewhat within the unpublished manuscripts Asia
Extrema by António de Gouveia (1644) or in the pages of Relação da Propagação da Fé no Reyno da China by Álvaro Semedo (1640-1641) and As doze
excellencias do Imperio da China by Gabriel de Magalhães (1688) – a set of
works ignored for so many years by Portuguese publishers –, it was foreseeable that the regenerating path that began with Joaquim Afonso Gonçalves
and continued to the late 1970s within the scope of the “Escola do Expediente Sínico” would never suffice to overcome such decisive limitations as
those imposed by the chronic absence of Chinese language and culture in the
curriculum of Portuguese schools in Macao, almost until 1999.17 Similarly, it
is difficult to imagine a national school of Sinology when during all this time
the country had not only failed to create departments of Portuguese-Chinese
studies in its universities but also neglected the actual teaching of the
Chinese language.
In truth, during the 1926-1974 dictatorship, this teaching was practically limited to the chair of Cantonese in the Institute of African and Oriental
Languages at the extinct Colonial Higher School in Lisbon (renamed Higher
14 See Rio (1994), pp. 37-43; Aresta (1999), p. 172.
15 See Castelo-Branco (2004), p. 102; Aresta (1997b), p. 16; Bruxo (2004), pp. 35-66 and
127-130.
16 See Aresta (1997b), p. 13.
17 Aresta (1997a), p. 30; Aresta (1999), pp. 241-247. See also Oliveira (1994), pp. 217-219;
Mesquita (2000), pp. 485-538; Reis (2003), pp. 465-494.
28
Francisco Roque de Oliveira
Institute of Overseas Studies in 1954 and later Higher Institute of Social
Sciences and Overseas Policy after 1961). Already under democracy, this
subject continued somewhat unsystematically in the chair of Mandarin
Chinese taught at the Faculty of Letters of the University of Lisbon. At the
same time it was complemented with university and non-university dissemination courses, such as those organized by the Oriental Institute of the
Faculty of Social and Human Sciences of the New University of Lisbon and
by the Macao Mission in Lisbon.18 The fact that to this day there is not one
single Portuguese historian with in-depth knowledge of spoken and written
Chinese tells us everything about the original sin we have been discussing.19
Looking at more recent years – in reality the first years of post-imperial
Portuguese Orientalism – it would be wrong not to detect the outline of a
change in the situation. For example, the Chinese language study indices
have increased, there is greater visibility of Chinese studies in universities,
a greater internationalization of this type of research and the emergence
of various periodical publications on these subjects.20 It is also true that
the final moments of the Portuguese presence in Macao led to an unusual
dissemination of Chinese matters within the Portuguese cultural field. More,
such an effort was generally accompanied by a new look on most oriental
matters, which was rigorous in terms of methodology and finally free of the
ideological registers that had upheld the last Portuguese colonialism in such
diverse fields as sociology, history, anthropology, geography, biology or even
agronomy between the 1940s and the 1960s.21 However it may be, time is
still needed for a definitive evaluation of all these encouraging signs.
Whilst Portugal to this day has been unable to constitute a Sinology
School in the true meaning of the words, that is, to define and consolidate
a coherent investigation into “Chinese things” in the fields of the human,
biological or exact sciences,22 we take a different view of the sub-domain
of historical and geographical studies on Portuguese-Chinese relations. We
realize this part is still barely promoted when compared with most of those
forming the heterogeneous group of Portuguese-Asian studies. We are also
aware that, by itself, it can never fill the void left by the lack of true Sinology.
In any case, not even the inevitable diversions suffered at the hands of the
18 See Thomaz (1996), pp. 389-414; Aresta (1999), pp. 68-71.
19 We should add that the opposite is hardly different as, to this day, almost no historian from
China has directly taken advantage of the Portuguese sources given the obvious ignorance of the
Portuguese language. See Zhang (1996), pp. 27-28, 13; Ramos (1996a), p. 138.
20 See Saldanha (2002), p. 4.
21 See Castelo (1999), pp. 101-136; Hespanha (1999), pp. 30-32.
22 See Bueno (2007).
Na aba da vestidura
29
empire’s nationalistic liturgy or due to the etiquette of “justification” of
Portuguese sovereignty in Macao, can gloss over the fact that in time it
asserted itself as a sub-domain of autonomous, scientifically valid research.
Traditionally, studies on Portuguese-Chinese relations are organized
along two lines of research: one concentrating on issues of Macao; the other
substituting or extending that same research to the broader spectrum of
bilateral relations between Portugal and China.
In the first case, tradition goes back to works such as Ephemerides commemorativas da historia de Macau by António Feliciano Marques Pereira
(Pereira 1868), Apontamentos para a historia de Macau by José Gabriel
Bernardo Fernandes (Fernandes 1883), Subsídios para a História de Macau
by Bento da França (França 1888) or Historic Macao by Carlos A. Montalto
de Jesus (Jesus 1902).23 In the second case, the first references are to the
renowned Memória sobre o Estabelecimento dos Portugueses em Macau by
the Viscount of Santarém (1845; first edition: Santarém 1878) and continue
with Memória Especial sobre o estabelecimento dos Portugueses em Macau
by José Gregório Pegado (1845; first edition: Pegado 1889), the Abreviada
relação da embaixada que el-rei D. João V mandou ao Imperador da China e
Tartaria published by Júlio Firmino Júdice Biker (Biker 1879), the relevant
pages of the anthology Collecção de tratados que o Estado da India Portugueza
fez com os reis e senhores da Asia e Africa Oriental, compiled by the same
Biker (Biker 1881-1887), the Delimitação de Macau report by José A. Graça
Barreto (1879; first edition: Barreto 1909) and Mémoire sur la Souveraineté
Territoriale du Portugal à Macao by Duarte Gustavo de Nogueira Soares
(Soares 1882).24
Throughout the following paragraphs, we will attempt simultaneously
to offer a retrospective synthesis and to document the current state of progress of these two lines of research.25 For reasons of economy and coherence
of writing, we will focus on the works aimed at or handling in appropriate
depth the chronological timeline between the first Portuguese landing on the
coast of Guangdong in 1513 – basically, the moment when Europe acquired
the necessary conditions to engage in the empiric learning of the Chinese
reality which had been broken off in the mid-fourteenth century – and the
fall of the Ming Dynasty in 1644. Despite the relative discretionary aspects
23 Second edition, revised and enlarged: Jesus (1926).
24 See Saldanha (1995), pp. 7-80; Saldanha (2002), pp. 4-8; Oliveira (2007a), p. 152.
25 For an essay of this nature, we must bear in mind the various bibliographic repositories
and critical essays on historiographical production on these themes published earlier. Of this
group, we underline the following references: Gomes (1973); Edmonds (1989); Loureiro (1993);
Loureiro (1998); Loureiro (1999a); Ptak (1998); Wu (1996).
30
Francisco Roque de Oliveira
involved in defining this time span – as always when defining intervals in the
history of men – it has the advantage of limiting us to the time when Macao
asserted itself and was consolidated as a first class trade entrepot. Furthermore, it has the advantage also of covering the period of a number of political
and cultural successes that were sufficiently coherent to make the Macanese
and Portuguese contribution to the study and disclosure of Chinese affairs
a decisive chapter in constructing modern European information on China.
In the end, it was basically through the Portuguese and their networks that
Europe established relations with Ming China. Whenever justified, we will
not hesitate to detour from the Portuguese and Macanese field of writings,
which we favour, to extend the enquiry to the contributions on PortugueseChinese relations made by other scholars and writers.
2.
The “macaologists” 26
Regarding the studies on the genesis of Macao and the decades that
accompanied the affirmation of the enclave until the middle of the seventeenth century, we should bear in mind the first works published by Anders
Ljungstedt, who worked for the Swedish East Indies Company and was
Swedish consul general in China. His main work was An Historical sketch
of the Portuguese settlement in China and of the Roman Catholic Church and
mission in China, published in Boston as far back 1836, but still important
today for two main reasons: because it used sources that have meanwhile disappeared 27 and for the way in which he queried the legitimacy of Portuguese
sovereignty over the territory. This work was preceded by an introductory
essay entitled Contribution to an historical sketch of the Portuguese settlements
in China, principally of Macao; of the Portuguese envoys and ambassadors
to China; of the catholic mission in China; and the papal legates to China
(1832). A few years later, part of its contents reappeared in Contribution to an
historical sketch of the Roman Catholic Church at Macao; and the domestic
and foreign relations of Macao (1834).
Several decades passed before A. F. Marques Pereira or C. A. Montalto
de Jesus took up the theme therein proposed in Ephemerides commemorativas da história de Macau and Historic Macao, respectively. These two
books were in part conceived as replies to Ljungstedt’s theories on the status
of the colony and Portugal’s rights vis-à-vis China. Both the full Portuguese
26 Expression taken from Saldanha (2002), p. 4.
27 See Loureiro (1999a), p. 137.
Na aba da vestidura
31
version of Ljungstedt’s work and that by Montalto de Jesus, with the necessary framework studies, were published a few years ago (Estorninho 1990;
Félix-Alves 1999).28
Of the various works published by A. Marques Pereira at the same time
– and yet to be reprinted – we highlight As Alfandegas Chinesas de Macau,
written about Macao’s official position regarding the reestablishment of
the Chinese customs inspection on the outskirts of the city in 1868 (Pereira
1870).29 The book Resumo da História de Macau by Eudore de Colomban
(alias the French missionary Régis Gervaix) suffered a different fate: it was
published in French in Boletim Eclesiástico da Diocese de Macau (Colomban
1923-1925) and in Beijing (Colomban 1928); the Portuguese version,
“reformed and amplified” by the editor Jacinto José do Nascimento Moura
(Colomban 1927), was published in Macao, in 1927, and reprinted in 1980
(Colomban 1980).
In spite of the distance and the naturally obsolete nature of much of its
contents, we should also consider the reference to a series of monographs
on the origins of Macao, written in the 1940s and 50s, in any case within
a context no longer connected to the problems of diplomatic justification
or documental validation of the so-called “Portuguese rights over Macao”
that affected this kind of literature during the last decades of the nineteenth
century, namely between the foiled ratification of the Treaty of Trade and
Friendship between Portugal and China, in 1862, and the signing of the
Portuguese-Chinese Treaty, in 1887 – problems that loom behind the aforementioned writings of Marques Pereira, Júdice Biker, Graça Barreto and
Nogueira Soares, among others. We are specifically thinking of Presença
Portuguesa em Macau by António da Silva Rego (Rego 1946), Efemérides
da História de Macau by Luís Gonzaga Gomes (Gomes 1954), Esboço da
História de Macau, 1511-1849 by Artur Levy Gomes (Gomes 1957), and
Macau, Cidade do Nome de Deus na China, não há outra mais Leal by Eduardo Brazão (Brazão 1957).
We can also include in the same group the chronological summary outlined by José Maria Braga called A Voz do Passado (1964),30 the numerous
studies by Gonzaga Gomes in periodical publications which were selected
and included in books such as Páginas da História de Macau (Gomes 1966)
or Macau – Um Município com História (Gomes 1997). Also included in
this group is the work The Origins of Macao by William Robert Usellis, pre-
28 See also Sena (1990), pp. 54-58; Sena (1994), p. 103; Lencastre (1999), pp. 284-295.
29 See Alves (1995a), pp. 8-10; Dias (2003), pp. 12-13 and 16-17.
30 Originally published in Boletim Eclesiástico da Diocese de Macau, this work was recently
reprinted in a facsimile version: Braga (1987).
32
Francisco Roque de Oliveira
sented as a Master’s dissertation at the University of Chicago in December
1958. In it he compared European and Chinese published sources which
was an unusual step for the time. For many years this last work circulated
in manuscript form among the restricted circle of researches, but was finally
published in 1995 in a bilingual Portuguese/English edition (Usellis 1995).
Jordão de Freitas, with Macau – Materiais para a sua História no século
XVI (Freitas 1988), or Monsignor Manuel Teixeira, with Macau no século XVI
(Teixeira 1981), Macau no século XVII (Teixeira 1982), Primórdios de Macau
(Teixeira 1990) and above all Macau e a sua Diocese (Teixeira 1940-1979),
continued the work on the settlement of the Portuguese in Macao based on
passages quoted from primary sources and on chronological systematization. The same can be said about a useful biographical instrument such as
Cronologia da História de Macau – Séculos XVI e XVII by Beatriz Basto da
Silva (Silva 1992) or the relevant parts of Cronologia Geral da Índia Portuguesa by Carlos Alexandre Morais (Morais 1993).
Much more ambitious – albeit conditioned by a very academic sequential
ordering of events – is História de Macau by Gonçalo Mesquitela (Mesquitela
1996-1997). The first two volumes of this work cover the sixteenth century
and the four first decades of the seventeenth century and it is important
to underline the effort made to contextualise the main events that marked
the existence of the territory during the period under analysis. A contrasting
perspective of the Macanese phenomenon, which has the added bonus of
making ample use of Chinese sources, appeared at the same time in Macao
400 Years, by Fei Chengkang (Fei 1996).31 We should also mention the recapitulations of the known data on the beginnings of Macao in the initial chapters
of two other non-Portuguese syntheses: the already classic A Macao Narrative
by Austin Coates (1978; reprinted: Coates 1987) and more recently Encountering Macau: A Portuguese City-State on the Periphery of China, 1557-1999 by
Geoffrey C. Gunn (1996; Portuguese edition: Gunn 1998).
Regarding the period between the middle of the sixteenth century and
the first decades of the seventeenth century, many of the pages written by
the English historian Charles R. Boxer between 1920 and 1970 were and
continue to be extremely important today. The following books should
be highlighted: Fidalgos in the Far East, 1550-1770. Fact and Fancy in the
History of Macao (1948; Portuguese translation: Boxer 1990), The Great
Ship of Amacon. Annals of Macao and the Old Japan Trade, 1555-1640 (1959;
Portuguese translation: Boxer 1989) and The Portuguese Seaborne Empire,
1414-1825 (1969; Portuguese translation: Boxer 1977). We must also refer
31 The first version of this study in Chinese was that published in Shanghai in 1988.
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33
to his notes on the Dutch attack on Macao in 1622, the first captainsgeneral and governors of the territory and Macao’s military aid to the Ming
between 1621 and 1647, collected in Estudos para a História de Macau –
Séculos XVI a XVIII (Boxer 1991).32 Boxer also portrayed the institutional
history of Macao in a work of reference: the chapter on the Senate of Macao
included in Portuguese Society in the Tropics: The Municipal Councils of Goa,
Macau, Bahia and Luanda, 1510-1800 (1965), a study recently reprinted
in a trilingual edition in Portuguese/Chinese/English (Boxer 1997). In the
meantime, this same theme on the history of legal institutions was also the
subject of a book in which António Manuel Hespanha (exclusively) developed
the Western dimension of law as applied in Macao: Panorama da História
Institucional e Jurídica de Macau (Hespanha 1995). Other aspects of Macanese micro-history and institutional history were studied by Elsa Penalva
and Miguel Lourenço (Penalva 2000; Penalva 2004; Penalva 2005; Penalva
2007; Lourenço 2007).
We return to the chronological line by referring to Almerindo de Vasconcelos Lessa, a surgeon in charge of the Mission of Tropical Anthropology
of Macao from 1960 onwards. Lessa must have been the first to apply to
the Macanese case the theoretical precepts of so-called “Luso-tropicalism”
suggested and developed by the Brazilian sociologist Gilberto Freyre in works
such as Casa-grande & senzala (1933), O mundo que o português criou (1940)
or Integração portuguesa nos trópicos (1958), which nourished the imperial
mythology that upheld the last decades of Portuguese colonialism. Maybe
also the most “Gilbertian” of the Portuguese academics of his generation,33
Lessa is important because of two books with greatly diverse – and even
unorganized – contents, but which constitute references on that greater
theme of the transposition of Freyre’s general theory to an Asian scenario:
A História dos Homens da Primeira República Democrática do Oriente. Biologia e Sociologia de uma Ilha Cívica (Lessa 1974b) 34 and Macau – Estudos
de Antropologia Portuguesa dos Trópicos (Lessa 1996). It should be added that
some details of the “bio-sociology” of the miscegenation that Lessa took from
Freyre reappear in notes by the Jesuit Benjamim Videira Pires in an essay of
comparative history which he called Os extremos conciliam-se – Transculturação em Macau (Pires 1988).
The local history of Macau in the more specific field related with
matters of geography, town-planning and architecture constitutes one of
the lines that researchers have visited over and over in the last few years.
32 On the matter of the Dutch attack on Macao, in 1622, see also Carioti (2005).
33 See Castelo (1999), pp. 119-122.
34 The original version of this study: Lessa (1974a).
34
Francisco Roque de Oliveira
Of the monographs and articles we have selected the revised edition of the
book on military architecture by Graça (Graça 1984),35 the outlook on evolution of the Macanese landscape portrayed by Craig Duncan (Duncan 1987)
and the confrontation between traditional elements of Chinese and Portuguese urbanism in Macao as described by Carlos Baracho (Baracho 1992;
Baracho 1998) and taken up by Carlos Marreiros (Marreiros 2002). We also
highlight the detailed retrospective analyses by Maria de Lourdes R. Costa
(Costa 1997) and by the team formed by Maria Calado, Maria Clara Mendes
and Michael Toussant (Calado, Mendes & Toussant 1985; Calado, Mendes &
Toussant 1998), the more chronologically restricted study signed by Kaijian
Tang (Kaijian 1998), and the solid essay on social and cultural history by
Jonathan Porter (Porter 2000). Most of these studies help make up the most
recent synthesis presented on the subject: A Urbanização e a Arquitectura dos
Portugueses em Macau, 1557-1911, by Pedro Dias (Dias 2005). For an inventory and description of the ancient cartography of the city of Macao we have
produced a brief group of studies, the first one co-authored by Jin Guo Ping
(Oliveira & Jin 2005; Oliveira 2006a; Oliveira 2009).
3.
Cross-referenced perspectives on relations between Portugal and China
One can easily see that the separation between what will be a study
on the local history of Macao and what might appear listed as research on
Portugal-China relations is often based on an artificial option, taken deliberately to help organise a great variety of writings. Hence that the books
abovementioned such as Presença Portuguesa em Macau, by António da
Silva Rego, or Ephemerides commemorativas da história de Macau, by A. F.
Marques Pereira (Pereira 1868) – mentor and editor of the Ta-ssi-yang-kou,
the first Portuguese newspaper dedicated exclusively to East Asia (1st series,
1863-1866) – can be both a reference to studies on Macao and be included in
the wider, more intricate domain of research that Viscount Santarém began
towards the end of the first half of the nineteenth century and was taken up
again at the end of that same century by Júdice Biker and Duarte Nogueira
Soares, among others.
Having said that, we would like to precede the “state of the art” of one
of two lines of research we bring here, by referring to some of the works
that were shown to be essential to the growth of this particular chapter of
historiography. Contents that have perforce been overtaken do not dispense
our taking into consideration such older works, in addition to the fact that
35 The first version of this book was published in English: Graça (1969).
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35
this was a field in which the confrontation between western and eastern
sources was soon tested. At the same time, this is also an area that early on
saw an extended dialogue, or at least an increasingly greater supply of interpretations, between researchers of different countries. This is a comparative
advantage that moved this area out of that Portuguese-Macanese claustrophobia that almost to our days has conditioned the writings dedicated and
restricted to the history of Macao. Even considering the major contribution
made by the institutional logic characteristic of moments that preceded
the transfer of powers in Macao in 1999 the fact that several of the works
mentioned were reprinted in these last few years is a sign of its intrinsic
importance.
In 1934, the initial version of the first major interpretation of commercial and diplomatic relations between the Portuguese and the Chinese
was published in Leyden: Sino-Portuguese trade from 1514 to 1644. A synthesis of Portuguese and Chinese sources, by Zhang Tianze (Zhang 1934).
Right from the beginning it was an unusual study for two reasons: first,
because it looked simultaneously at European and Asian sources; second,
because it intended to place into perspective the subject in that “middle-term
dimension” between the date when the Portuguese arrived on the Chinese
coast and the year of the fall of the Ming Dynasty.36 The novelty did not go
unnoticed in Europe, as confirmed by the lengthy reviews by the French
Sinologist Paul Pelliot (Pelliot 1935) and by the Portuguese naval officer and
historian Tancredo Faria de Morais (Morais 1943). Be that as it may, Zhang’s
pioneering ideas should not let us ignore the fact that studies (although
not so extensive) on the same problematic issues were already available in
other European countries besides Portugal: for example, the articles “Letters
from Portuguese captives in Canton, written in 1534 and 1536” by Donald
Ferguson (Ferguson 1901; Ferguson 1902a) and “L’arrivée des Portugais en
Chine” by Henri Cordier (Cordier 1911).
Shortly before publishing a revised version Sino-Portuguese trade (1969)
in Leyden, Zhang Tianze wrote an essay on the subject of the first Portuguese embassy to China (1517-1521): “Malacca and the Failure of the First
Portuguese Embassy to Peking” (Zhang 1962).37 It is in that same issue that
Armando Cortesão had included in the leaflet Primeira Embaixada Europeia
à China (Cortesão 1945),38 printed after the English translation of Suma
Oriental by the ambassador and pharmacist Tomé Pires, which Cortesão
had prepared for the Hakluyt Society and was published in London in 1944
36 See Alves (1997), pp. VII-VIII.
37 New edition: Zhang (1981).
38 New edition: Cortesão (1990).
36
Francisco Roque de Oliveira
(Portuguese edition: Cortesão 1978). Still during the 1940s, this obligatory
theme on the first phase of Portuguese-Chinese relations drew the attention
of Paul Pelliot, in his interesting study entitled “Le Hōja et le Sayyid Husain
de l’Histoire des Ming” (Pelliot 1948).
Other similar fragmentary themes associated to the first decades of
Portuguese-Chinese contacts had dominated and continued to dominate
how these subjects were treated by Portuguese historians: Luís Keil, in Jorge
Álvares, o primeiro português que foi à China (1513) published in Lisbon (Keil
1933); 39 Armando Cortesão, writing about the voyages of the Portuguese to
the mouth of the Pearl river between 1513 and the foundation of Macao
in a long essay on the Portuguese expansion throughout the Pacific Ocean
(Cortesão 1939); 40 José M. Braga, when he published in Macao Tamão dos
Pioneiros Portugueses (Braga 1939); and the same J. M. Braga, when he
published in Hong Kong The Western pioneers and their discovery of Macao
(Braga 1949) and also when in 1955 he presented to that British colony
China Landfall, 1513 (Braga 1955a) – the title being revised and transformed
that very same year into the extensively quoted China Landfall, 1513. Jorge
Álvares’Voyage to China (Braga 1955b). Although less ambitious from a
scientific point of view titles such as those published by captain Rogério
Ferreira (Ferreira 1934) and by Salvador Saboya (Saboya 1938) are nevertheless symptomatic of a certain quality in the works on the settlement of
the Portuguese in China, their production occasionally enlivened in the 30s
by such dissimilar circumstances as the realization of the First Portuguese
Colonial Exhibition (Oporto, 1934), or the outbreak of the Chinese-Japanese
war (1937-1945).
Manuel Múrias, with Instruções para o Bispo de Pequim e outros
documentos para a história de Macau (Múrias 1943), and Eduardo Brazão,
this time with Apontamentos para a História das Relações Diplomáticas entre
Portugal e a China, 1517-1753 (Brazão 1949), together with Silva Rego are
today the main references of a certain rebirth of interest into the history
of the Portuguese presence in China that occurred during the 1940s, in a
context framed by the celebrations of the so-called double centenary – the
8th centenary of the Portuguese Independence (1143) and the 3rd centenary
39 New edition: Keil (1990). Years later, the text that Luís Keil had published in 1933 would
become the key reference to one of the several studies that Ronald Bishop Smith dedicated to
these same matters: Smith (1973). Among other works by this author on other issues, usually
accompanied by the extensive use and dissemination of Portuguese sources: Smith (1972a);
Smith (1972b); Smith (1981).
40 New edition: Cortesão (1974).
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37
of the Restoration (1640) 41 – and by the proclamation of the People’s Republic of China. Despite their undeniable merits, we must note that almost all
these works are influenced both by the bias found in official historiography,
namely that somewhat old-fashioned rhetoric that often affects many of the
forms of comemmorativism, as well as by a chronic difficulty in completing
the narration of political, administrative and military facts – privileged above
all others – within a framework of the object treated in the broader context
of East Asia.42
Some time was to pass before Vitorino Magalhães Godinho managed
to introduce the necessary theoretical renovation to the historiography that,
internally, focused on Portuguese discoveries and expansion – in his case
rooted in the example of the school of the Annales and offering it in his
masterly Os descobrimentos e a economia mundial (1958; 1st Portuguese
edition, 2 vol., Lisbon, 1963-1971). Curiously, however, whilst the fact that
his work was boycotted during the dictatorship of the New State explains
why the earlier model of historiographic production governed by ideologies had continued for too long,43 we must also note that the segment of the
studies dedicated to the historic presence of the Portuguese in China did
not benefit from any significantly new contribution in the years immediately
after the 1974 revolution. While Macao continued capturing the attention of
researchers and publicists, the phenomenon that this city represented failed
to be integrated in a wider historical and geographical context.44 Again, the
first signs of modernity were given by foreign historians, highlighting the
group composed by John E. Wills, George Bryan de Souza, Roderich Ptak
and Fok Kai Cheong. To this we can add the short series of essays published
by Lea E. Williams on these subjects, in particular her reading on the start of
contacts between Portugal and China (Williams 1985a).45
John Wills should mostly be remembered for the contextual reading
provided in the article “Maritime China from Wang Chih to Shih Lang:
Themes in Peripheral History” (Wills Jr. 1979) and the pages that refer us to
Portuguese-Dutch competition in the period before the one his books focused
on: Pepper, Guns, and Parleys – The Dutch East India company and China,
41 Many of the texts that E. Brazão includes in his 1949 Apontamentos were scattered in the
following titles, published very close to each other: Brazão (1948a); Brazão (1948b); Brazão
(1948c). For the period analysed here the most important pages are those Brazão wrote about
the embassy of Tomé Pires to China, included in Apontamentos (Brazão 1949, pp. 15-38) and
complemented with the transcription of the so-called cartas dos cativos de Cantão.
42 See Flores (1997), p. 12; Loureiro (1998), pp. 52-53.
43 See Flores (1993a), pp. 126-127.
44 See Loureiro (1993), pp. 151-152.
45 On related themes: Williams (1985b); Williams (1987).
38
Francisco Roque de Oliveira
1662-1681 (Wills Jr. 1967) and Embassies and Illusions – Dutch and Portuguese Envoys to K’ang-hi, 1666-1687 (Wills Jr. 1984). On the other hand, the
methodical line traced by Zhang Tianze in Sino-Portuguese trade from 1514
to 1644 was also taken by Bryan de Souza in his text The Survival of Empire.
Portuguese Trade and Society in China and the South China Sea, 1630-1745
(Souza 1986). There are also important research clues corresponding to the
period and theme we are discussing that appeared in his article “Maritime
Trade and Politics in China and the South China Sea” (Souza 1987) and were
later extended in more recent articles such as “Commerce and capital: Portuguese maritime losses in the South China Sea, 1600-1754” (Souza 1993) and
“Portuguese Country Traders in the Indian Ocean and the South China Sea,
c. 1600” (Souza 1997).
The German Sinologist Roderich Ptak, author of a broad series of
studies on maritime Asia, is nowadays one of the most consistent authors
writing on the subject of relations between Portugal and China from the
early days of the Portuguese presence on the coast of the Middle Empire.
Insisting always on the parallel use of both eastern and western sources,
and on reading that encompasses the conditions of a more general nature
dictated by China or by other neighbouring land and sea spaces, in the
1980s Ptak offered us the following two important synthesis: the monograph
Portugal in China – Kurzer Abriß der portugiesisch-chinesischen Beziehungen
der Geschichte Macaus im 16. und beginnenden 17. Jahrundert (Ptak 1980)
and the article “An Outline of Macao’s Economic Development, circa
1557-1640” (Ptak 1988). Sometime later, came the articles “China and
Portugal at sea: the early Ming system and the Estado da Índia compared”
(Ptak 1991) and “Early Sino-Portuguese Relations up to the Foundation of
Macao” (Ptak 1992). This last work was updated in “Sino-Portuguese Relations, circa 1513/14-1550’s” (Ptak 1999),46 which should be read together
with the annotated bibliography that Ptak entitled “Macau and Sino-Portuguese Relations, ca. 1513/1514 to ca. 1900 – A Bibliographical Essay” (Ptak
1998). Regarding research focused on particular routes or trades – such as
sandalwood and tea – we have the following writings: “The Transportation
of Sandalwood from Timor to China and Macao, c. 1350-1600” (Ptak 1987),
“Sino-Japanese Maritime Trade, circa 1550: Merchants, Ports and Networks”
(Ptak 1994a) and “Die Rolle der Chinesen, Portugiesen und Holländer im
Teehandel zwischen China und Südosta-sien (ca. 1600-1750)” (Ptak 1994b).
The doctoral thesis submitted by Fok Kai Cheong in 1978 at the University of Hawaii under the title The “Macao Formula”: A Study of Chinese
Management of the Westerners from the Mid-Sixteenth Century to the Opium
46 Revised version of the same article: Ptak (2004).
Na aba da vestidura
39
War Period is still unpublished. As a broad interpretation of the available
written records on the informal commitment that instituted Macanese
reality, on that date it still represented one of the few studies based on simultaneous handling of Chinese and Portuguese sources. Despite that publishing
obstacle, the main conclusions of this important work of comparative history
have been published in several fragmentary texts, both in English (Fok 1991)
and in Portuguese (Fok 1996).47
Not long before Fok completed what is still his main work of research,
other protagonists of Chinese historiography on relations between Portugal
and China disseminated complementary texts. Amidst other possible examples (the list will not be extensive as many are less accessible to most Western
readers) are: O Comércio Externo de Macau a partir de meados da Dinastia
Ming, by Quan Hansheng (Quan 1972); Putaoya Qinlue Aomen Shiliao
(Historical sources of the Portuguese occupation of Macao), by Jie Zi (Jie
1961); A Study of Macao as a Portuguese Settlement in Chinese Territory from
the 16th to 18th centuries, by Lam Chee Shing, corresponding to a doctoral
thesis for the University of Hong Kong in 1970, published in Portuguese in
1998 (Lam 1998); and “Ming shi Folangji zhuan” jianzheng (History of the
Ming – Commentaries on the Portuguese), by Dai Yixuan (Dai 1984). This is a
text we must mention, although the particularly virulent way that Dai attacks
the validity of most of the western sources documenting the settlement of the
Portuguese in Macao is very questionable.48
Meanwhile, Wu Zhiliang was revealed as one of the most recent Chinese
heirs of this domain in which the retrospective analysis of the PortugueseChinese relation is cross-referenced with the ancient tradition of Macao
historiography. Confirming this fact are articles such as “Análise crítica
sobre os estudos da História de Macau” (Wu 1996), books such as Segredos
da Sobrevivência – História Política de Macau (Wu 1999)49 and the documentary collections Aomenwenti Mingqing Zhendang Huicui (Collection of Treasures of the Ming and Qing dynasties – Archives related with Macao) (Wu
2000) and Mingqingshiqi Aomenwenti Danganwenxian Huibian (Documental
collections of the Ming and Qing dynasties – Archives related with Macao),
in a publication jointly directed by Yang Jibo and Deng Kaisong (Yang, Wu
& Deng 1999).
Together with Jin Guo Ping, Wu Zhiliang is one of the most prolific
Chinese researchers into relations between Portugal and China and one of
47 For a brief reading of this book, see Flores (1996), pp. 7-9; Barreto (1997), p. 15.
48 Regarding the type of problems raised by Chinese researchers such as Dai into the history of
relations between Portugal and China, see Ptak (1997).
49 Original edition of this book: Wu (1998).
40
Francisco Roque de Oliveira
the few revealing direct knowledge of both Chinese and Western sources.
Some of the most important texts these two authors have published to this
day can be found in the anthologies Jinghai Piaomiao (Histories of Macao:
fiction and reality) (Jin & Wu 2001), Dong xi wang yang (Research in the
History of Macao erased by time) Em Busca de Histórias de Macau Apagadas
pelo Tempo) (Jin & Wu 2002), Guo shizmen (Opening Macao’s Border Gate)
(Jin & Wu 2004), Zaoqi Aomen Shilun (Studies about the first age of Macao)
(Jin & Wu 2007a) and Revisitar os Primórdios de Macau (Jin & Wu 2007b).
These include a very heterogeneous group of subjects, frequently retrieved
and developed from volume to volume: from the analysis of the start of
Portuguese trade on the coast of Guangdong to the part played by certain
goods in this same relation until the beginning of the Qing era; from the
variety of interests and the evolution of the Chinese attitude towards Macao
to the toponymy or cartography of the places visited by Portuguese shipping;
from the inventory and commentary of sources in Chinese (and Manchu),
containing information about Macao, to examination of the part played by
the Jesuits in the transition between the Ming and the Qing dynasties.
Another renowned modern expert on Portuguese-Chinese relations is
Tang Kaijain, as any reader can confirm by reading the eight articles on the
Ming period included in the fourteen found in Ming Qing shidafu yu Aomen
(Ming and Qing scholars and Macao) (Tang 1998b), or the eleven essays
gathered in Aomen kaibu chuqi shi yanjiu (Studies about the early stages of
the opening of Macao) (Tang 1999). We should also mention Zhang Wenqin
and begin by reading the first of the thirteen essays that are part of the
collection Aomen yu Zhonghua lishi wenhua (Historical culture of Macao
and China) – dedicated to the broader subject of the inspections that highranking Ming and Qing officials made in Macao (Zhang 1995). For a synthesis on the main trade routes that crossed Macao during the “golden period”
which continued well until the seventeenth century, we have at our disposal
the writings by Deng Kaisong in “Estatuto e papel de Macau na rota marítima
nos séculos XVI e XVII” (Deng 1997), an essay that can be compared with
“The historical role played by the Portuguese in China before the middle of
the nineteenth century”, a text the same author wrote together with Yang
Renfei (Deng & Yang 1995).50
50 Surveys by Chinese authors about this specific bibliography can be found in Zhang (1996),
pp. 5-13; Wu (1996), pp. 384-386; Wu (1999), pp. 5-10; Jin (1999), p. 504. Among the most recent
series of studies about the Chinese sources on the Portuguese presence in the South China Sea
between 1510 and the first years of the settlement of Macao, see Li (2002); Wong (2002); Shi
(2002); Tan & Cao (2002).
4.
Na aba da vestidura
41
Historiography in search of internationalization
The renewal by Portuguese authors of the theme of Portuguese-Chinese
relations that tentatively began between the end of the 1980s and the beginnings of the 1990s and has since been studied in-depth, can be seen in some
particular acquisitions. Firstly, whatever the phenomenon under analysis we
see that in general it is no longer considered separately but in conjunction
with general background conditions that must be highlighted: the situation
of China and Portuguese expansion in the East, the trade and civilisational
dynamics of the Asian seas, the Japanese internal situation, the dynamics of
the Catholic missionaries, and competition with other European powers in
the region, to name just a few. Secondly, in the approach to what is always
a core issue such as Macao, the tendency to highlight the problems linked
to the origin of the territory constituting an enduring trace of the old historiography of “justification” loses weight. Lastly, there has been both improved
use of oriental sources and also a progressively more rigorous interpretation
of the teachings provided in Western sources, that the practice of acritical
reading had neglected for too long. In conclusion, this is a methodically more
rigorous and broader investigation on the subject under analysis, a precondition for a definitive internationalization of this field of studies.51
In any case, this progress cannot let us forget the persistence of a few
failings that must be corrected. The most obvious ones are: the predominance
of individual research initiatives, resulting in what is still a very fragmentary bibliography; the prevalence of studies on the political, institutional or
economic dimensions of the historical matters studied with the consequent
disregard for aspects associated to the history of the culture and mentality;
and also an immense void in the treatment of Oriental – Chinese and other –
documentary sources, a logical consequence of the lack of a true Portuguese
Sinology tradition, as described above.52
To update our selection of contributions we will begin by mentioning
the text on relations between Portugal and China prior to the settlement
of Macao which João de Deus Ramos included in issue 53 of the magazine Nação e Defesa (1990), then republished in Estudos Luso-Orientais –
Séculos XIII-XIX (Ramos 1996b). Shortly afterwards the era covered in this
article was dealt with by João Paulo Oliveira e Costa in “Os Portugueses e
o Extremo-Oriente no Século XVI – Reflexões em torno do estabelecimento
em Macau” (Costa 1987). Another study denoting this new interest in China
by Portuguese researchers is focused on unpublished documentation about
51 See Loureiro (1998), pp. 54-55; Flores (2001a), p. 119.
52 See Loureiro (2000a), pp. 32-33; Loureiro (1993), pp. 154-155.
42
Francisco Roque de Oliveira
Portuguese-Chinese relations that the same J. P. Oliveira e Costa presented
in “Do sonho manuelino ao realismo joanino” (Costa 1991), enlarged in
“A Coroa Portuguesa e a China – 1508-1531” (Costa 1996) and summarised
in the chapters for which he was responsible in the book Portugal e o Mar da
China no Século XVI (Flores & Costa 1996). The latter texts should be read
together with an article that Jorge M. dos Santos Alves submitted in 1993
on the occasion of one of the first international symposiums in which the
youngest generation of Portuguese researchers produced their contributions:
“The First Decade of Sino-Portuguese Diplomatic Relations Following the
Foundation of Macao” (Alves 1995b).53
A clear sign both of the space conquered by this area of study within
the Portuguese scientific community but also of the international openness
consolidated by this same community was shortly afterwards given to us with
the publication of the collection Estudos de História do Relacionamento LusoChinês, coordinated by António Vasconcelos de Saldanha and by J. M. Santos
Alves (1996), and the first of the three volumes of the proceedings already
available of Conferências nos Cursos Livres de História das Relações entre
Portugal e a China (Séculos XVI-XIX), produced under the aegis of Fundação
do Oriente and coordinated by J. M. Santos Alves (1999). In addition to the
contributions mentioned, such as those by J. P. Oliveira e Costa and Roderich
Ptak, the two collections contain important analyses such as that by Jin Guo
Ping and Zhang Zhengchun dedicated to explaining the toponymy of Liampo
based on Chinese sources (Jin & Zhang 1996), one by Luís Filipe Barreto
on the cultural reality of Macao between 1560 and 1660 (Barreto 1999), the
ones J. M. Santos Alves wrote about the first centuries of Portuguese-Chinese
diplomacy (Alves 1996; Alves 1999) or one by Rui M. Loureiro in which he
updated the knowledge on the facts and circumstances surrounding the first
Portuguese embassy to Beijing (Loureiro 1999b).
In the two next volumes about these Conferências de História LusoChinesa (2000 and 2001), the internal coherence, analytic density and
diverse origin of the various contributions selected was reinforced. As far as
we are most concerned, an overall view of the China Sea in the sixteenth and
seventeenth centuries was attempted: see what Zhang Zengxin wrote about
the various Portuguese entrepots on the Chinese coast throughout the sixteenth
century (Zhang 2000). At the same time the connection between Macao and
Japan in the double trade-missionary dimension was considered: for example the text in which J. P. Oliveira e Costa compares the poles of Macao
and Nagasaki (Costa 2000). Advances were made on unravelling the crucial
themes of Catholic missionary action in China: see the texts on the Jesuit
53 Portuguese version of the same text: Alves (1994).
Na aba da vestidura
43
project by R. M. Loureiro (Loureiro 2000b), Isabel Pina (Pina 2000) and
J. P. Oliveira e Costa (Costa 2001).54 The Spanish presence in East Asia was
also studied: see Manuel Ollé’s proposal based on his extensive knowledge
of the history of the settlement of Manila (Ollé 2001). Lastly, progress was
made in listing the representations of Portuguese activities in China through
the Chinese sources: see the new explanation provided by Geoff Wade (Wade
2001) and James Chin Kong (Kong 2001). In the collection entitled Um Porto
entre Dois Impérios, J. M. Santos Alves added two articles to the works he
had already contributed to the volumes of this series: a first one about Macao
in the years 1555-1565 (Alves 1999b), and a second one dedicated to the
so‑called “Green Island dispute” of 1620-1621 (Alves 1999c). The same author
has just produced a synthesis of the history of Macao between 1540 and 1680
in Macau – O Primeiro Século de um Porto Internacional (Alves 2007).
Such investigations can and should be completed with five of the ten
detailed essays Jin Guo Ping included in Xi li dong jian. Zhong Pu zaoqi
jiechu zhuixi (West in quest for the East), which favour the approach to some
of the more pertinent toponymic matters from the time before Macao (Jin
2001). A sixth essay in this book develops several of the plans to conquer
China drawn up in Macao and Manila throughout the sixteenth century, and
it is useful to compare it with the abovementioned text by M. Ollé and with
the two next books published by this author: La invención de China (Ollé
2000a) and La empresa de China (Ollé 2002).
Less accessible, as it has still not been published, is the doctoral thesis
by Manuel Ollé for the Universitat Pompeu Fabra in Barcelona: Estrategias
filipinas respecto a China – Alonso Sánchez y Domingo Salazar en la empresa
de China, 1581-1593 (Ollé 1998a). A demanding reader can still collect further
useful information from a few other articles by this Catalan historian centred
on issues relating to the economic or cultural influences of the Philippines
during the sixteenth century: “La invención de China. Mitos y escenarios
de la imagen ibérica de China en el siglo XVI” (Ollé 1998b), “Competencia
Macao-Manila en el contexto inicial de la monarquía dualista (1581-1593)”
(Ollé 2000b), “A inserção das Filipinas na Ásia Oriental (1565-1593)” (Ollé
2003), “Chineses, Holandeses e Castelhanos em Taiwan (1624-1684)” (Ollé
2004), “Las relaciones de China y España en el siglo XVI” (Ollé 2007a) or “La
imagen española de China en el siglo XVI” (Ollé 2007b). The two following
essays detail or update several of the specific aspects studied in this series
of works: “Manila y la proyección española en Oriente”, by Marina Alfonso
Mola and Carlos Martínez Shaw (Alfonso Mola & Martínez Shaw 2007), and
54 About the complementary aspects regarding this subject, see also Pina (1999); Pina (2001);
Pina (2008).
44
Francisco Roque de Oliveira
“Tres centros y ninguno. China y la mundialización ibérica, 1580-1640”, by
Rafael Valladares (Valladares 2007).55
We highlight the following of the most recent works by Portuguese
authors on relations between Macao and Manila in the same period, all produced after the pioneering studies expressly written on these matters by Pierre
Chaunu (Chaunu 1962), John Villiers (Villiers 1980) and Benjamim Videira
Pires (Pires 1987): A rota marítima da seda e da prata: Macau-Manila desde
as origens a 1640, master’s thesis (unpublished) presented by Rui D’Ávila
Lourido (Lourido 1996), which was then taken up and summarised in a series
of articles by the same author (Lourido 2000; Lourido 2002; Lourido, 2003);
“The historic relationship between Macao and the Philippines from the 16th to
the 18th centuries” by Leonor Seabra (Seabra 2003); “Macau, Manila e os
Holandeses” by Rui M. Loureiro (Loureiro 2004).
Several of the chapters included in the first volumes of História dos
Portugueses no Extremo Oriente – an editorial initiative coordinated by
A. H. de Oliveira Marques (4 vols. in 5 tomes, 1998-2003) – summarise most
of the current Portuguese research into the matter of the Portuguese-Chinese
relationship in the period up to the fall of the Ming. It is the first major
collection of works about the most important facets of the Portuguese
presence in East Asia between the sixteenth and the twentieth centuries.
From the first tome of Volume I – dedicated to Macao and restricted to the
sixteenth and the beginning of the seventeenth centuries – we are particularly interested in the surveys on demographic aspects by Susana Münch
Miranda and Cristina Seuanes Serafim (Miranda & Serafim 1998), as well
as the references to the missionary strategy of the Society of Jesus developed
by J. M. Santos Alves in a chapter on Christianisation and ecclesiastic
organisation (Alves 1998). The same could be said about the four chapters of
tome 2 of that volume, in which Jorge M. Flores both chronicled the years
between the beginning and end of Macao’s brief apogee at the time of the
transition from the sixteenth century to the seventeenth centuries (Flores
2000a; Flores 2000b; Flores 2000c),56 and attempted to reconstitute the
primitive urban landscape, main political forms and social network of Macao
(Flores 2000d).57
Consulting Volume II of História dos Portugueses no Extremo Oriente
we note the first of the two new chapters signed by J. M. Flores, covering
55 See also Valladares (2001), pp. 53-55 and 60-72.
56 For a complementary synthesis of the agitated seventeenth century in Macao, see Pinto
(1999).
57 For the genesis of a few of the main ideas presented in this article, see Flores (1993b); Flores
(1994).
Na aba da vestidura
45
Macanese political life during the period between the end of the first half of
the seventeenth century and the last years of the eighteenth century (Flores
2001b). Later, this author updated some of the main conclusions presented
in these works in an article to which he gave the apposite title “The Portuguese Chromosome” (Flores 2002). There is every advantage in comparing
it with the reflections that R. Ptak has made on the theory of some Chinese
historians according to which in the middle and final period of the Ming
era Macao was structurally similar to certain “foreign neighbourhoods”
(fanfang) of medieval China, like Canton (Guangzhou) (Ptak 2001).58
Another synthesis that is essential to better clarify the history of the
relationship between the Portuguese and China and its reflexes on European
perception of the Ming Empire, was made available by Luís Filipe Barreto
in his book Macau: Poder e Saber – Séculos XVI e XVII (Barreto 2006). In the
first part of this work the author dissects the first century of the history of
the Portuguese in Macao, comparing the different economic, political and
social situations during the time of the foundation, growth and consolidation
of the port city and the beginning of the “survival” period that was basically
imposed by the affirmation of Dutch hegemony in the seas of Japan. In a
certain sense, the book The Survival of Empire by George Bryan de Souza
constitutes the informal terminus ad quem of this work (Souza 1986). In the
second part of his book Barreto presents and discusses the main works
written about China and Macao that reached Europe by means of the
networks opened and used by the Portuguese in Asia since the end of the
fifteenth century – comprehensively almost, from the first letters written at
the time of the return of Vasco da Gama’s first voyage until the conclusion in
Macao of the major work of geographical-anthropological information and
theory by João Rodrigues Tçuzu, S.J.: História da Igreja do Japão (c. 1627).
Among other essays, Barreto includes here a revised version of an important
study entitled: “Da China Ming na cultura europeia: os pólos português e
italiano (1499-1550)” (Barreto 2002a).59
5.
Edition and critical analysis of Portuguese sources
We know that the printed and manuscript Portuguese sources from
the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, together with those that arrived
from East Asia through trade and information networks, correspond to the
58 For a quick synthesis of the different perspectives of Chinese historiography regarding this
matter, see Ptak (2002), p. 120.
59 See also Barreto (1995); Barreto (1996).
46
Francisco Roque de Oliveira
essence of what was then known and gathered about Ming Chine by Europe
in those days. We also know that most of the knowledge Europe acquired
about the Chinese world during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries
from letters and treaties was based on Portuguese sources of the preceding
period. Today it is generally accepted that most modern Sinology can only be
understood in the light of the Portuguese texts from the sixteenth and early
seventeenth centuries on which they are based. These reasons are sufficient
to describe the importance of the inventory and the systematic study of that
extremely important – written but also cartographical - legacy as we learnt
from pioneering works such as La Découverte de la Chine par les Portugais au
XVIe siècle et la Cartographie des Portulans by Albert Kammerer (Kammerer
1944) and more recent analyses, such as that made by Zhang Zengxi in “The
Portuguese Maritime Discoveries along the South-East Coast of China in the
First Half of the Sixteenth Century: a Cartographic View, 1513-1550” (Zhang
1998). Although we have chosen not to touch on the Chinese (Asian) point of
view here, those who wish to compare these same Portuguese writings with
their oriental counterpart may begin by reading the study by Fok Kai Cheong
entitled “Early Ming Images of the Portuguese” (Fok 1987), the above-mentioned inquiry by J. Chin Kong (Kong 2001) or the most recent inventory
presented by Luís Filipe Barreto (Barreto 2007, pp. 841-844).
In spite of the facts we have just recalled, we must acknowledge that the
publication of sources about the Portuguese presence in China (and in other
East Asia territories) is one of the tasks of this specific field of historiography
that is still pending. There is a lack of significant precedents, most of which
are the result of efforts by foreign researchers or publishers: the so-called
Letters from Portuguese captives in Canton, Cristóvão Vieira and Vasco Calvo,
annotated by Donald Ferguson in 1901-1902 (Ferguson 1901; Ferguson
1902a) and reprinted in 1902 (Ferguson 1902b); the fragments of the original
text by Vieira that Ferguson was unable to find in the copy at the National
Library in Paris, on which he worked and which Ernest Arthur Voretzsch
identified in the Arquivo Nacional da Torre do Tombo in Lisbon and had
reprinted in Tokyo in 1929 (Voretzsch 1929); 60 the descriptions of Macao by
António Bocarro, Peter Mundy and Marco de Avalo, published by Charles
R. Boxer in Macau na Época da Restauração (Boxer 1942); 61 the treaty called
Algumas cousas sabidas da China by Galiote Pereira and the Tractado das
cousas da China by Gaspar da Cruz edited and annotated by Boxer (1953); 62
60 In 1949, Eduardo Brazão published Vieira’s text, for the purpose following the reconstitution
proposed by Voretzsch from the passages of Lisbon and Paris. See Brazão (1949), pp. 41-66.
61 New edition, facsimile: Boxer (1993).
62 The Portuguese version of the treaty of Galiote can be found in the following article: Boxer
Na aba da vestidura
47
a selection of letters from the first Jesuit missionaries who settled in Macao
which Benjamim Videira Pires collected and annotated under the title Cartas
dos Fundadores (Pires 1964); Suma Oriental by Tomé Pires, presented by
A. Cortesão in 1978, but referring to the English 1944 edition (Cortesão 1944;
Cortesão 1978); Cartas de Fernão Mendes Pinto, selected and annotated by
Rebecca Catz (Catz & Rogers 1983); Tractado by Gaspar da Cruz, edited
and commented together with Fernão Mendes Pinto’s Peregrinação by Aníbal
Pinto de Castro (Castro 1984); or the collection Enformação das cousas da
China where Raffaela D’Intino includes names such as Cristóvão Vieira,
Vasco Calvo, Melchior Nunes Barreto, Galiote Pereira or Gaspar da Cruz
(D’Intino 1989).
Discovering written sources kept in Portuguese, Italian, Spanish, Dutch
or English archives, whose contents are vital to clarify the past relations
between the Portuguese and China, is the most important part of the immense
task still remaining of surveying and analysing of testimonies.63 The publication or reprinting of multiple documental inventories that have been taking
place is a clear sign.64 As regards narrative sources or the letters, these last
years have nevertheless offered signs of a certain inversion of the previous
trends.
In this domain, we must point out the patient work done by Rui M. Loureiro, to whom we owe new readings of the Letters from Portuguese captives in
Canton (Loureiro 1992),65 the treaties by Galiote Pereira (Pereira 1992) and
by Gaspar da Cruz (Cruz 1997),66 the first Portuguese edition of the colloquy
on China of the original De Missione Legatorum Iaponesium ad Romanam
Curiam by the Jesuits Duarte de Sande and Alessandro Valignano (Sande
& Valignano 1992), the first critical edition of Lisbon’s manuscript of Suma
Oriental by Tomé Pires (Loureiro 1996a) and the collections Em Busca das
Origens de Macau – with various texts referring to the first century of this
territory’s existence (Loureiro 1996b) – and Visões da China na literatura
(1953a), pp. 63-92. The English version of the treaties of Galiote and Cruz appear in Boxer
(1953b), pp. 1-239. After the princeps of 1569-1570, the important Tractado das cousas da China
by Gaspar da Cruz was reprinted in Portugal on two occasions, in both cases with no critical
analysis: Cruz (1829); Cruz (1937).
63 See Aresta (1997b), p. 18; Loureiro (1999a), pp. 223-240.
64 See, for example, Santos (1995); Santos (1999); Leão (1998); Leão (1999). For an overall
reading of the main catalogues and collections of written and printed documentation on Portuguese-Chinese relations and Macao, see Barreto (2007), pp. 839-841 and 845-846.
65 A first version of this work, containing some reading notes meanwhile revised by the author,
may be found in Loureiro (1989a), pp. 7-13.
66 Similarly to what happened with the Letters from Portuguese captives in Canton, Loureiro
had already produced a first presentation of the treaties of Galiote and Cruz: Loureiro (1989b),
pp. 9-14.
48
Francisco Roque de Oliveira
Ibérica dos séculos XVI e XVII (Loureiro 1997). Subsequently, Rui Loureiro
and the author of this article compiled an anthology of European texts from
different sources, written between 1597 and 1664, in the South China Sea
(Loureiro & Oliveira 2004). In the meantime, the manuscript Aduertencias
ha Coroa del Rey Dom João 4º, written in the mid-seventeenth century by the
arbitrista Jorge Pinto de Azevedo, was published for the first time, with an
introduction and annotations by Artur Teodoro de Matos (Matos 1996).
Also in most recent years the dissemination of originals of Portuguese
missionary historiography was aided by the publication of the first two books
of Asia Extrema by the Jesuit António de Gouveia (Gouveia 1995; Gouveia
2001), with the first complete translation of said De Missione Legatorum
Iaponesium ad Romanam Curiam by the two priests Sande and Valignano
(Sande & Valignano 1997) and with re-editions of the Portuguese versions of
Relação da Grande Monarquia da China by Álvaro Semedo (Semedo 1994)
and Nova Relação da China de Gabriel by Magalhães (Magalhães 1997) –
both proposed by Luís Gonzaga Gomes between 1956 and 1957, but which
have now been enriched with an introduction by António Aresta and António
Graça de Abreu. Besides these, there are two other important collections
of sources: Cartas Ânuas da China (1636, 1643 a 1649) by António de
Gouveia, edited by Horácio Araújo (Araújo 1998), and Cartas Ânuas do
Colégio de Macau (1594-1627), transcribed by Ana Fernandes Pinto and presented by J. P. Oliveira e Costa (Costa 1999). The extensive sections on China
in História da Igreja do Japão by Father João Rodrigues Tçuzu were also
published in an annotated version by Michael Cooper (Cooper 2001).
The same cannot be said regarding the imposing corpus of Portuguese
chronicles of this time (they never specifically dealt with the subject of China
but dedicated a substantial number of pages to the early days of the exchange
between Portugal and China). The fact is that most of the latest editions of
such important texts as História da Índia by Fernão Lopes de Castanheda
(Castanheda 1979), Decades I to III of Ásia by João de Barros (Barros 1988a;
Barros 1988b; Barros 1992), Tratado dos Descobrimentos by António Galvão
(Galvão 1987), Lendas da Índia by Gaspar Correia (Correia 1975), Crónica do
Felicíssimo Rei D. Manuel by Damião de Góis (Góis 1949-1955) or De rebus
Emmanuelis regis by D. Jerónimo Osório (Osório 1944), are still published
either with no accompanying critical analysis, or with very few specialized
annotations. Even so, there are two exceptions we hope are encouraging:
Décadas IV and VIII of Ásia by Diogo do Couto, in critical editions signed
or coordinated by Maria Augusta Lima Cruz (Cruz 1993-1994; Couto 1999).
At the same level we find the recent critical edition of a text equivalent in
time and style to Suma Oriental by Tomé Pires: Livro das coisas da Índia
Na aba da vestidura
49
by Duarte Barbosa, published by Maria Augusta da Viega e Sousa (Barbosa
1996-2000).67
The parallel field of linguistic studies constitutes another of the fundamental fields touched by the relative impasse in research which affects most
of the sources relating to Portuguese expansion in East Asia, be they chronicles, naval charts, reports or geographical charts. Note that so far no-one
has surpassed the Glossário Luso-Asiático by Monsignor Sebastião Rodolfo
Dalgado (Dalgado 1919-1921), inspired on the classic Hobson-Jobson by
Henry Yule and Arthur C. Burnell: 1886, re-printed by William Crooke (Yule
& Burnell 1903). This idea is still valid in spite of the sporadic progress
such as that Zhang Weimin achieved for words of Chinese origin (Zhang
1996). Similarly as regards the geographical terms, Glossário Toponímico
da Antiga Historiografia Portuguesa Ultramarina by the Viscount of Lagoa
(Lagoa 1950-1954), has yet to be surpassed.
Another subject with many as yet unresolved investigational aspects
is that of Chinese language texts published by the Catholic missionaries at
the end of the Ming period, whether lexicographical or actual evangelization
instruments. In the first case we have Dicionário or Vocabulário PortuguêsChinês compiled by the Jesuits in Macao during the 1580s, possibly under
the guidance of Michele Ruggieri and Matteo Ricci. With about 6000
entries – from aba de vestidura to zunir a orelha – it is most probably the
oldest western dictionary of Mandarin Chinese that has reached our days.68
We also have the unpublished manuscripts of Dicionário da Língua Chinesa
e Portuguesa by Father Gaspar Ferreira, S.J. (c. 1630-1635) 69 and Prosódia
ou Dicionário da Língua Chinesa e Portuguesa that is attributed to Father
Álvaro Semedo.70
Examples of ecclesiastical works are two texts attributed to Father João
da Rocha (but also associated often to Gaspar Ferreira), both printed in
Nanjing c. 1619-1623: the Tianzhu shengjiao qimeng catechism (a somewhat free translation of the famous Doutrina Christã ordenada a maneira de
dialogo para ensinar os meninos by the Jesuit Marcos Jorge, 1566) and the
Mysteries of the Rosary Song nianzhu guicheng (based on a text Father Inácio
Martins added to the Doutrina of Marcos Jorge).71 To the latter we can add
67 For a brief commented listing of this type of documents, see Barreto (2007), pp. 846-848.
68 See Levi (1998), pp. 15-37 and 58-68; Witek (2001), pp. 11-23; Yang (2001), pp. 29-68; Barreto
(1999), pp. 74-79; Barreto (2002b), pp. 117-126.
69 See Barreto (2000), pp. 85-88; Barreto (2006), p. 295.
70 See Ramos (1988), pp. 43-44; Ferro (1998), pp. 402-403; Yang (2001), pp. 45-46.
71 See Matos (1998), pp. 384-396; Palomo (2003), pp. 252-264; Criveller (2005), pp. 44-45;
Demattè (2007a), pp. 32-33.
50
Francisco Roque de Oliveira
the catechism published by António de Gouveia in Fuzhou in 1655: Tian zhu
sheng jiao meng yin yao lan (Principal points to guide those who are ignorant
of the Christian religion).72 No less important is the quality of the scientific
texts disseminated by the Jesuits in China. A paradigmatic case is Tianwen
lüe (On the firmament; Beijing 1615) by Manuel Dias junior. Although it is
a relatively traditional treaty about astronomy and cosmology, still faithful
to the geocentric theory, it includes an appendix on Saturn’s rings, Jupiter’s
moons, and the core issue of the phases of Venus based on Galileo Galilei’s
telescopic observations.73
Whilst the wealth and immense diversity of the materials available
transform the collection and printing of sources bequeathed by Portuguese
expansion in East Asia into one of the most important tasks to be performed
we can understand why there are so few essays that venture to put them
in perspective and attempt to extract from them answers to such crucial
questions as the construction and dissemination of images of Ming China
in contemporary Europe. Among the historians who in later years have left
an indelible mark on research into the abovementioned issues, we evoke
the partnership between Donald Lach and Edwin J. Van Kley in tome IV,
Volume III of Asia in the Making of Europe, which contextualises and describes
in detail the news on the distinct parts of East Asia included in seventeenth
century European literature (Lach & Van Kley 1993). This is the continuation of the monumental investigation Lach had been making since 1965.
For our subject this had led to the chapter in Volume I of this work dedicated
to European books and maps that portrayed China during the sixteenth
century (Lach 1965; Lach 1970-1977).
Among the studies carried out by Portuguese researchers, we have
selected three syntheses that extended the results achieved by works such
as those that Donald Lach and Edwin J. Van Kley produced on many of the
European sources that tried to describe Ming China for reasons as varied
as politics, trade, religion, learning or purely for the reader’s entertainment. The first of these two syntheses was offered by Rui M. Loureiro in the
doctoral thesis he presented at Lisbon University in 1995, with the title
A China na Cultura Portuguesa do Século XVI – Notícias, Imagens e Vivências, which was in the meantime printed in a slightly abbreviated version:
Fidalgos, Missionários e Mandarins – Portugal e a China no Século XVI
(Loureiro 2000a). The second one was signed by Horácio Araújo, in an investigation centred on the figure of Father António de Gouveia with the rather
72 See Girard (2000), p. 296.
73 See Standaert (1994), p. 68; Baldini (2000), p. 85; Dinis (2000), pp. 267-269; Demattè (2007b),
pp. 55-56; Leitão (2008a), pp. 32-34; Leitão (2008b), pp. 99-121.
Na aba da vestidura
51
generic title Os Jesuítas no Império da China – o Primeiro Século (1582-1680),
that does not immediately allow us to identify the subject (Araújo 2000).
The third is our own essay, the doctoral thesis we defended at Universitat
Autònoma de Barcelona in 2003. Here, we chose simultaneously to analyse
Portuguese and other European sources, specifically of Iberian origin: A construção do conhecimento europeu sobre a China, c. 1500-c. 1630. Impressos e
manuscritos que revelaram o mundo chinês à Europa culta (Oliveira 2003).74
The more unpublished writings that see the light of day, the further we will
advance in the study of this period, which was one of the most decisive
periods of mutual learning between West and East.
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