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Road safety impacts of the motorcycle in Brazil
Eduardo Alcântara de Vasconcellos
a
a
Instituto Movimento, Rua República do Iraque 1605, ZIP 04611-003, São Paulo, Brazil
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To cite this article: Eduardo Alcântara de Vasconcellos (2012): Road safety impacts of the motorcycle in Brazil, International
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International Journal of Injury Control and Safety Promotion
2012, 1–8, iFirst article
Road safety impacts of the motorcycle in Brazil
Eduardo Alcântara de Vasconcellos*
Instituto Movimento, Rua República do Iraque 1605, ZIP 04611-003, São Paulo, Brazil
Downloaded by [Eduardo Vasconcellos] at 13:12 06 July 2012
(Received 16 March 2012; final version received 16 May 2012)
Brazil has had high indices of traffic injuries and deaths since the 1950s, mostly related to the increasing and
irresponsible use of the automobile. Upon approval of the Brazilian Transit Code (CTB) in 1997, traffic injuries
and deaths began to diminish, despite an increase in vehicle fleet size, a phenomenon that had never occurred
previously. Concurrently, starting in 1991 and with a great intensity after 1996, there has been a sizeable increase
in motorcycle production and use, facilitated and encouraged by public officials. Between 1995 and 2000 annual
sales figures for motorcycles doubled and reached 2 million units in 2008. Traffic deaths associated with
motorcycles increased exponentially, rising from 725 in 2006 to 10,143 in 2010, eliminating the advances gained
by the CTB in reducing auto-related injuries. This article analyses the process and its impacts on road safety. The
first part summarises the main public policy decisions related to the theme. Part two analyses changes in traffic
safety after the introduction of this new technology. Part three looks at the possible political, economic and social
motives that lie behind this process. The final part suggests solutions to the great prejudice caused to society and
the nation.
Keywords: transport in developing countries; motorcycles; transport technology and risk; traffic safety
1.
The expansion of motorcycle use in Brazil
The automobile industry was established in Brazil in
1956 and is currently one of the largest in the world
with production of 3 million vehicles in 2007, the
majority of which (80%) were automobiles. Motorcycles were not economically relevant until the 1990s,
when processes of liberalisation and privatisation were
initiated. In 1990, Brazil had 20.6 million vehicles on
the road with only 1.5 million motorcycles (Denatran,
2011; IBGE, 2000). Some motorcycles were made in
the country and others imported from the USA or
Japan. They were mainly used by people from higher
income brackets for leisure.
When the process of economic liberalisation was
sparked in 1994, Brazil began to coexist with powerful
forces of deregulation and privatisation – associated
with intense changes on the global scale – that
profoundly affected the country and the manner in
which its resources were distributed. In the area of
public transportation, illegal operators with inadequate vehicles spread out extraordinarily quickly and
threatened the survival of the regulated public transportation system. In the area of private transportation,
federal government policies supported the popularisation of the use of a new technology – the motorcycle –
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which began to be used intensely for document and
small merchandise delivery in the big cities, especially
the most congested ones like São Paulo. The fleet of 1.5
million motorcycles in 1991 rapidly increased to 5
million in 2002, reaching 14 million in 2010. In São
Paulo City the number of motorcycles increased from
50,000 in 1990 to 245,000 in 2001 and 750,000 in 2009
(Denatran, 2011).
Sales figures for vehicles in the internal market
reveal the force of the phenomenon (Figure 1).
Between 1992 and 2007 motorcycle sales increased
by 12 times, while car sales increased fourfold.
Internal motorcycle sales reached 1.5 million in
2007 while automobile sales reached roughly 2
million (Abraciclo, 2012; Anfavea, 2012). There is a
high probability that annual motorcycle sales figures
will surpass those of automobiles during the next few
years.
2. How motorcycles are used
2.1. A new user enters traffic
Contrary to what occurred in Asian countries, where
the motorcycle has been a part of traffic for more
than 50 years and in many cases is the most used
2
E.A. de Vasconcellos
technology in traffic. This phenomenon represented
the transformation of Brazilian traffic towards an
‘Asian’ pattern.
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Figure 1. Automobile and motorcycle sales in Brazil, 1990–
2008. Source: Abraciclo (2012) for motorcycles and
Denatran (2012) for automobiles.
vehicle, it was relatively unknown by most Brazilians
until 20 years ago. The traffic environment in Brazil
was historically formed by pedestrians, bicyclists,
trucks and buses with the automobile entering from
the 1930s forwards (accelerating in popularity during
the 1960s). When the motorcycle arrived in the 1990s
it had to make its own space in traffic. Struggling
against automobile users the motorcyclists – especially the delivery drivers called ‘motoboys’ – created
a group identity of an anthropological nature. This
group began to use internal solidarity as a factor of
cohesion and defence against what it considered to
threaten its participation in traffic. This phenomenon
led to aggressive behaviour against automobile
drivers involved in collisions with motorcyclists,
generating frequent violent reactions. Since the
majority of first-time motorcyclists had never driven
an automobile, their comprehension of the visibility
limits faced by automobile drivers was limited,
increasing their risks of circulation even further.
Consequently, motorcyclists developed a negative
vision of automobile drivers which served to consolidate their group solidarity. The fact that many car
users today prefer to avoid circulating near motorcyclists proves that the strategy of intimidation has
been a success. This unsafe behaviour has had legal
backing. During the long discussions about the new
Brazilian Transit Code that took place between 1992
and 1997, one of the main proposals referring to the
circulation of motorcyclists was to ban their movement between lanes of moving cars. This proposal
was vetoed by the president. Motorcyclists also
generated another type of dispute for space that did
not occur previously in Brazilian traffic – that with
pedestrians. The greater speed of the motorcycle and
the unpredictable behaviour of its drivers in snaking
between vehicles greatly increased the safety risks of
pedestrians who were unaccustomed to this type of
2.2. Profile of the user
The association that represents the motorcycle industry informs that the majority of the purchases (80–
85%) are made by men, with 83% being younger than
40. The majority of users (90%) live in urban areas and
the majority of them (75%) use the motorcycle to
commute to work or school (www.abraciclo.com.br).
A significant part of consumers substitute public
transportation for the motorcycle, due to lower costs
or the poor quality of public transportation in their
cities. Recently, middle class people have been
purchasing motorcycles to avoid congested traffic in
large towns. This means that they exchange a safe
means of transportation for a less safe one, in addition
to using the motorcycle in additional trips, due to its
low operational costs. One important aspect is that
most buyers (80%) pay in instalments or purchase
through consortium which greatly facilitates acquisition of the vehicles. Poor households (with monthly
income up to USD 636) concentrate 80% of the
motorcycle fleet (IBGE, 2009).
2.3. Delivery services
A large part of the new motorcycles are used in
delivery services, mainly in the cities with large levels of
congestion, like São Paulo (the ‘motoboys’). In this
case a convergence of interests has occurred: that of
the needs for rapid merchandise delivery and new
employment opportunities for youth. Since the job
market for youth with low education levels has low
wage levels and continues to shrink, this new activity is
an attractive alternative. This opportunity is strengthened by the disposition of these youth to take risks,
which is further increased by a lack of enforcement of
traffic laws. One essential aspect to understand their
behaviour is connected to the working conditions of
the motoboys: they are paid according to production:
the concrete result is a veritable army of mostly male
youth crossing the city at high speeds, snaking between
cars and buses to arrive quickly at their destinations.
The level of disrespect for traffic laws is very high,
mainly through excessive speed, dangerous conduct,
lack of respect for stoplights, leaving the stopped
position without paying attention to pedestrians who
are still crossing the street and the use of sidewalks to
manoeuvre around vehicles that are stopped in traffic.
Although the quantity of equipment for monitoring
speed and stoplights has increased greatly in the
country – directly lowering the number of injuries
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International Journal of Injury Control and Safety Promotion
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and deaths – the motoboys escape punishment easily,
simply covering their licence plates with their hands as
they race through radar traps or red lights.
2.4. Motorcycle taxis
Motorcycles are also used as taxis, legally and illegally,
to transport passengers. Following the example of
clandestine collective transportation, the motorcycle
taxi encountered fertile territory in the new climate of
deregulation and was supported by many politicians
and public officials. The problem with security of
transportation is normally neglected: there is no
training for conductors and people who never used a
motorcycle receive a helmet and sit on the passenger
seat. These services are now offered in 90% of the
country’s towns and 50% of the major cities (IBGE,
2009) charging a fixed value similar to that of a bus or
a value of R$1–R$2 where this service does not exist
(in towns of less than 50,000).
3.
Traffic safety and motorcycles in Brazil
The percentage of motorcycles in the total number of
transit fatalities in Brazil rose from 2.1% in 1996 to
19.4% in 2006. The distribution of fatalities by type of
user has changed dramatically in the period. While the
participation of pedestrians diminished from 70% to
38% the participation of motorcyclists rose from 4%
to 27%, practically equalling the participation of
passengers of other vehicles (mainly automobiles;
MS, 2011).
Table 1 reveals that the number of fatalities with
motorcycle users rose 13-fold, from 725 in 1996 to 9268
in 2009 (and to 10,143 in 2010 – see Table 2). Their
share in the total number of fatalities increased from
2.1% to 24.9%. The number of accumulated fatalities
Table 1.
between 1996 and 2010 caused by the increase in
motorcycle usage is 65,041. If we consider an annual
natural increase in motorcycle deaths of 2% (if the fleet
increases in accordance with historic patterns) the conclusion is that the accelerated process of its introduction into Brazilian traffic has caused 59,620 additional
deaths in the period, a cost inadmissible in any society
(Figure 2).
Table 2 shows that the index of fatalities for
motorcyclists rose by 50% during the period of 1998–
2006, a characteristic marking the increase of violence
in the use of road space.
3.1.
The case of the city of São Paulo
São Paulo is the largest city in the country, with 11
million inhabitants. It was selected as an example
because it has experienced the most dramatic changes
in the pattern of traffic safety among large cities in
Brazil, originated by the exponential increase in the
number of motorcycles and the escalating use of
motorcycle to deliver goods in a congested road
system. In 2007, the number of fatalities with
motorcyclists significantly surpassed (by 66%) the
total number of fatalities with passengers of other
vehicles, for the first time in the history of the city. The
fatality rate of motorcyclists has only not surpassed
those occurring with pedestrians (Table 3).
Among the fatalities with motorcyclists in 2007,
one may say that:
. 40% fatalities occurred without the interference
of any other vehicle;
. 28% of fatalities occurred with motorcyclists
travelling between vehicle lanes;
. Among the fatalities, 37% were motoboys working in the delivery of goods;
Traffic fatalities per transport mode, Brazil, 1996–2009.
Year
Pedestrian
Cyclist
Motorcyclist
Vehicle occupanta
Totalb
% motorcycles
1996
1997
1998
1999
2000
2001
2002
2003
2004
2005
2006
2007
2008
2009
12,952
12,500
11,227
9,886
8,696
9,720
9,947
9,991
10,166
10,261
10,147
9,657
9,474
8,799
326
426
396
555
789
1,008
1,240
1,263
1,389
1,515
1,668
1,649
1,615
1,573
725
956
1,280
1,583
2,465
3,100
3,744
4,271
5,042
5,935
6,970
8,078
8,898
9,268
4,273
4,280
4,133
5,183
6,084
6,672
7,228
7,408
8,412
8,188
8,660
8,932
9,017
9,063
35,281
35,620
30,890
29,569
28,995
30,524
32,753
33,139
35,105
35,763
35,875
37,076
37,965
37,251
2.1
2.7
4.1
5.4
8.5
10.2
11.4
12.9
14.4
16.6
19.4
21.8
23.4
24.9
Notes: A: automobiles, buses, trucks; B: includes fatalities with unknown transport modes. Source: MS (2011).
4
E.A. de Vasconcellos
. Motorcycles were involved in 22.8% of fatal
pedestrian crashes and were responsible for the
deaths of 85 pedestrians (10% of the total);
. Motorcycles were involved in 34.5% of fatal
crashes with vehicular occupants and
. Finally, 92% of the people killed in motorcycles
were less than 39 years old.
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4.
Social costs of the use of motorcycles
The social costs associated with the use of motor
vehicles is related to death and injury to people,
pollution generated by the use of fuel, the generation
of a barrier effect – when the circulation of vehicles
prejudicates the social relations of residents – and
congestion (Vasconcellos, 2002).
In the specific case of the motorcycle, congestion is
not the main factor due to the diminished size of the
Table 2. Rate of deaths in motorcycles per motorcycle fleet,
Brazil, 1998–2006.
Year
Fatalities
Fleet (1,000 s)
Fat./10,000 veh.
1998
1999
2000
2001
2002
2003
2004
2005
2006
2007
2008
2009
2010
1,280
1,830
2,465
3,100
3,744
4,271
5,042
5,935
6,970
8,078
8,898
9,268
10,143
2,542
3,020
3,550
4,025
4,945
5,332
6,079
6,934
7,898
11,071
12,995
14,599
16,394
5.0
6.1
6.9
7.7
7.6
8.0
8.3
8.6
8.8
7.3
6.8
6.3
6.2
Sources: MS (2011) and Denatran (2011).
vehicle. However, the other three impacts – road
safety, pollution and the barrier effect – are relevant.
Pollution is relevant because the type of motorcycle
that was allowed by federal authorities in the country
is highly polluting. The motorcycle that has been used
in Brazil since 1994 emits more pollutants per
passenger-km than with Brazilian cars (ANTP, 2008),
with new regulations on permitted emissions for
pollutants in new motorcycles sold in the country
only established in 2006 (the Programa de Controle da
Poluição do Ar por Motociclos e Veı́culos Similares).
The barrier effect can occur due to the higher speed of
the motorcyclists – causing great danger for pedestrians and bicyclists – and the noise that they cause.
But the impacts of fatalities and injuries to people are
the most grave and for this reason are prioritised in
this text. The data analysed come from the database of
the Ministry of Health (MS DATASUS, www.saude.
gov.br). It is important to emphasise that although this
data has a good national representation it does not
cover all the traffic safety events that happened in the
country.
In order to better understand the phenomenon, in
the first place the marginal impact of the entrance of new
motorcycle technology in Brazilian traffic was estimated.
During 2000 and 2006 there were 31,566 fatalities and
169,846 hospitalisations in the main public health
system. During the period, the annual impact of every
1000 new motorcycles circulating was 1.24 fatalities and
3 hospitalisations. This means that one additional death
was produced for each 809 new motorcycles sold and
one hospitalisation for each 366 additional motorcycles
circulating. It is relevant to mention that the quantity of
hospitalisations could be greatly underestimated due to
the characteristics of the hospital system and the
behaviour of people when crashes occur.
Figure 2. Brazil – traffic fatalities, actual figures with exponential increase of the motorcycle fleet and estimated figures with a
natural increase in the motorcycle fleet, Brazil, 1996–2010. Source: MS (2011), adapted by the author.
5
International Journal of Injury Control and Safety Promotion
Table 3.
Traffic fatalities in São Paulo, selected years.
Fatalities
Fatalities/100,000 people
Year
Pedestrian
Auto
Motorcycle
Total
Pedestrian
Auto
Motorcycle
1970
1980
1991
1997
1999
2004
2006
2007
2010
1,011
1,580
1,593
1,109
862
703
734
736
630
182
750
1,033
712
576
347
289
281
200
16
60
114
221
245
318
380
466
478
1,209
2,390
2,740
2,042
1,683
1,368
1,403
1,483
1,308
17.1
18.6
16.5
10.9
8.3
6.8
7.1
7.1
6.0
3.1
8.8
10.7
9.2
7.9
3.3
2.8
2.7
1.9
0.3
0.7
1.2
2.2
2.4
3.1
3.7
4.5
4.6
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Source: Laurenti, Guerra, Baseotto, and Klincervicius (1972) for 1970 data and CET (2008) for the other years.
Secondly, the grave and fatal cases were calculated
and their costs were estimated using a methodology of
analysis created by IPEA/ANTP (2002). The additional road safety crashes caused by motorcycles
resulted in costs for Brazilian society that reached
R$5.3 billion during the period of 1998–2006. This
value corresponds to R$1400 per motorcycle in
circulation during the period analysed, representing
25% of the average cost of a new motorcycle.1
5.
Social and political factors behind the phenomenon
5.1. Economic gains in the industry
With the federal government’s political and financial
support the Brazilian motor vehicle industry was able
to open a new and greatly significant area of business.
Annual motorcycle sales figures rose from R$0.7
billion in 1995 to R$7.5 billion in 2007, reaching
20% of the value of car sales. The accelerated increase
of this industry was initially supported by the liberalisation of imports in 1991. Later, the federal government and some state governments gave tax benefits for
producers. The most relevant case from the economic
perspective is that of Honda Motors, which produces
80% of the motorcycles in the country and which
opened a factory in the duty free zone in Manaus. In
2006 this company sold 1,018,000 motorcycles and
earned R$5.9 billion. The tax benefits to the industry
were estimated at R$1.47 billion, corresponding to
25% of sales (Folha de São Paulo, 2007). Following
this model, new brands of motorcycle are being
established in Manaus. These measures, connected to
authorisation for sales by consortium, have made the
motorcycle very accessible to interested consumers
with monthly instalments averaging around R$200.
5.2. Public sector interests and ideology
The history of motorcycle use around the world and of
its poor performance in terms of traffic safety is widely
known in technical circles. A large number of studies
on the subject have already been published. This
knowledge is based on the experiences in Asia as well
as wealthy European nations and the United States.
All of these studies show that the motorcycle is the
most dangerous motorised vehicle that exists, as much
in function of its physical characteristics as its disadvantages compared to larger and heavier vehicles
such as automobiles, buses and trucks (World Health
Organization, 2004; World Bank, 1995). Studies that
have been conducted in Brazil for two decades prove
that the motorcycle produces a number of injuries per
case superior to other vehicles and that the injuries
inflicted on its passengers (as well as on pedestrians
who are run over) are much more grave that those
inflicted, for example, on the passengers of an
automobile (Koizumi, 1992). A study conducted in
2002 showed that while 7% of the cases involving
automobiles caused victims of some kind, the number
increased to 71% in the case of motorcycles. For this
characteristic, the average cost of a motorcycle crash
was 53% above the average cost of an automobile one
(IPEA/ANTP, 2002). Consequently, whether due to
the international experience of over 50 years or the
Brazilian experience which has been well documented,
there is no admissible excuse that can be used by any
government to facilitate or support the use of
motorcycles without taking very special precautions.
In the case of Brazil, the main motives behind the
irresponsible position of the public authorities in the
rapid and unrestricted acceptance of the motorcycle
were the ideas that industrialisation is something good
in itself and that the motorisation of society is a sign of
progress. Concurrently, the increase in the use of the
motorcycle was associated in a demagogic manner with
the ‘liberation’ of the poor, the guarantee that these
social groups finally would have access to motorised
vehicles. This tragic form of populism lies behind the
measures that were adapted. This posture, taken
during the national planning of the Partido da Social
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6
E.A. de Vasconcellos
Democracia Brasileira party during the 1990s, continued with the Partido dos Trabalhadores party
without any significant change. This ideological force
is so pervasive in society that even important public
transportation bodies have been carried away by it, in
an autophagic movement.2
This movement has had even more dramatic
consequences, due to the low level of education of
the Brazilian population – which effects its capacity to
gather and interpret information – as well as the
ignorance of people in relation to existing risks, due to
the lack of information, to the competent advertising
that idealises the motorcycle and due to the silence of
the industry in relation to the safety problems with the
vehicle.
The motorcycle industry always avoids discussing
the lack of security of its product and tries to disconnect
itself from a negative image.3 This behaviour imitates
the other producers of goods that damage people – like
the tobacco and alcohol industries – and uses the same
biblical hand-washing, saying that it ‘sells what the
public wants’. The industry conveniently forgets that in
the actual liberal sourcebook about consumer society,
the universalisation of complete information about
products is one of the essential pillars to guarantee
that which the sourcebook denominates as ‘free choice
of free consumers’ (Bayliss, 1992). It also conveniently
forgets that motorcycles are not housing tools that may
be controlled by the owner; they have to share road
space with other, much larger vehicles, inside a traffic
environment full of dangerous conflicts that motorcyclists cannot control.
Such characteristics are similar to those found in
most developing countries, where democratic institutions and citizenship are often weak, with profound
impacts on road safety for the most vulnerable
(Vasconcellos, 1995).
6.
Recommendations
The international literature is full of recommendations
on how to improve motorcycle safety (OECD, 2008;
WHO, 2004). Brazil is still dealing with the problem
and few good solutions have already been adopted. In
the case of delivery services the most promising actions
seem to be the redefinition of working conditions to
avoid undue pressure on productivity by the contractor and the mandatory training of ‘motoboys’ on safer
driving habits. The definition of exclusive lanes or
spaces may also to be considered; however experiments
in the city of Sao Paulo have shown that the impact of
these lanes on safety was less than optimum, because
of behaviour factors that were difficult to predict at
first (CET, 2011). Safety can also be improved
significantly reducing speed limits and preventing
motorcycles from driving close to large vehicles. The
definition of higher age levels to receive a motorcycle
driver licence could also be very positive. Finally, a
better enforcement programme is essential, especially
in relation to speeding and helmet use. In the case of
middle class people who shifted to motorcycles, the
only way of getting them back to previous modes is to
provide for adequate walking and cycling conditions
and for comfortable and efficient public transport
services.
7. Conclusion
When we analyse the history of transportation in
Brazil it becomes clear that the irresponsible adaptation of streets and cities for intense automobile use
during the period of 1960–1990 brought enormous
prejudices to security, health and the quality of life.
The transportation environment in Brazil became
insecure and hostile to the more vulnerable users like
pedestrians and bicyclists, generating an enormous
quantity of traffic safety events. This first phase of
motorisation was characterised by the appropriation of
road space by selective groups with access to the
automobile and with power to pressure the public
sector responsible for transportation. One of the most
negative consequences of this process was that nearly 1
million people died in traffic between 1960 and 2000.
We now see a second phase, characterised by the
accelerated and irresponsible introduction of a new
technology – the motorcycle. The most relevant point
in relation to the first phase is that now social groups
supported by the public sector have lower income
levels than the earlier groups, dividing themselves, in
the majority, between the lower-middle class and the
lower classes. Although this second phase of motorisation has occurred in an environment of formal
democracy (contrary to the first phase) the historically
constructed ignorance in the heart of society remains
the same, opening space for demagogic proposals and
opportunism based on populism and irresponsible
rhetoric. The motorcycle, as occurred with the automobile 50 years earlier, is habitually treated as symbols
of progress and ‘liberty’ and the evident risks of its use
are treated as ‘destiny’, ‘divine will’ or ‘the inevitable
price of progress’.
The expansion of motorcycle use in Brazil following the process of economic liberalisation of the 1990s
was represented by the increase of the national fleet
from 2 million in 1992 to 14 million in 2011. The
gravest consequence of the entry of this new technology was the exponential increase in the number of
injuries and fatalities of motorcycle passengers.
The question that arises naturally from these facts
is, ‘why would a society allow itself to be hurt in this
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manner?’ Among the factors that determined the
implantation of this process that has had such negative
consequences, the most relevant are:
(1) Allowing circulation of motorcycles between
lanes of traffic in movement within an environment of very dangerous circulation, behaviour
which is worsened by the case of the motoboys;
(2) The Federal Government’s opening of the
motorcycle market through high levels of tax
benefits and facilitation of purchasing, which
permitted sales through reduced monthly instalments making purchase rapidly more attractive;
(3) The lack of attention to preparation of a safer
circulation environment despite all of the internationally and nationally accumulated experience that clearly shows the vulnerability of the
motorcyclist and the highly elevated index of
crashes associated with the use of this vehicle;
(4) The industry’s greed related to the unconditional increase in production and profit without
clarifying the high danger levels related to
motorcycle use to the public;
(5) Public officials demagogic populism associating
the increase in motorcycle use of the motorcycle with notions of ‘progress’, ‘job generation’ and ‘liberation of the poor’, without
considering the high personal and road safety
costs associated with its use;
(6) Inaction of the government in relation to truly
effective control of motorcycle use, aggravated
by the ease of which the driver can avoid
enforcement of traffic laws;
(7) The Brazilian public’s low education level
which limits its possibilities to obtain and
interpret information on political processes
that condition government actions and
(8) A collective irresponsibility in demanding rapid
merchandise delivery, ignoring the fact that this
demands highly unsafe conditions for the
workers in this sector.
In the history of humanity there are many examples
of the use of dangerous products and the existence of
precarious work conditions that have to show their
grave damage before society mobilises to change the
situation. These processes occur as a raw form of
natural selection, killing or gravely injuring millions of
people until changes in technology, in the product or in
the behaviour of people soften the negative impacts. In
this manner these processes exert an enormous cost to
society until the effects are reduced and the people
prejudicated can no longer be compensated. The
expansion of motorcycle use in Brazil has the same
tragic characteristics of natural selection similar to
7
what occurred with the automobile in the middle of the
past century. In a path that is nearly always taken, the
producer of a inherently dangerous product refuses to
admit the existing danger and manages to avoid that its
product is evaluated by society, frequently supported
by the inaction of the government, by interested
economic parties or by difficulties of the people to
understand what is occurring or what could happen to
them.
The alternative to this vision is based on the fact
that the production of knowledge about the processes
enables us to anticipate problems and, therefore,
reduce their impact. In this manner we can avoid the
process of natural selection and change to a civilised
process of coexistence.
When we try to respond to the difficult question,
‘why does a society let itself be hurt in this manner?’ the
answer is that the negative consequences of this process
can be explained in three words: populism (government
and politicians), greed (industry) and ignorance about
the real risks (not prevented by the government or the
industry). Due to the many decades of accumulated
knowledge regarding the fragility of the motorcycle
there is no excuse for public authorities to permit the
introduction of this new technology in the country
without taking proper precautions. Unfortunately,
dozens of thousands of Brazilians have already died
or suffered incapacitating injuries and many will
continue to suffer from this as the size of the fleet
continues to greatly increase to the point where it will
soon surpass that of automobiles. Considering the
historic tendencies, the accumulated number of motorcycle fatalities will reach the 100,000 mark by 2014,
which speaks for itself. The extremely negative
consequences of this process can only be alleviated
when we mature as a society and deal with the
irresponsibility that pervades the actions that allowed
this to happen.
Acknowledgments
This article was originally part of a larger study on
transportation policy in Brazil, undertaken by Instituto
Movimento with support from the Volvo Educational
Foundations.
Notes
1.
2.
Considering an average fleet during the period of 3.7
million motorcycles at an average value of R$5330 for a
new motorcycle.
The São Paulo Metro, considered by the majority of its
users (as well as in the international technical community) as having high quality, has displayed advertising for
purchasing motorcycles inside its stations for a long time.
Initially this was in the form of pamphlets advertising the
advantages of the motorcycle (‘buy a motorcycle for less
than R$2 a day and you would already be in your
CE: PS PG: padmavathym 2/7/12 21:01
8
3.
NICS_A_696663
2008 – Style 4 (USA4)
RefSty-(A APA)
E.A. de Vasconcellos
‘‘home’’ station’). The opening of space evolved in 2007
to the point where they allowed stands with motorcycles
and salespeople inside Paraiso metro station. Urban bus
companies also use the resource of motorcycle (and car)
advertisements as a form of raising more resources.
The most relevant case in recent history of the consumer
society is that of the tobacco industry, which fought for
decades against attempts to make it responsible for
warning consumers about the dangers of their product to
human health.
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