PROCESSO SELETIVO
MESTRADO PROFISSIONALEM PODER LEGISLATIVO
PROVA DE PROFICIÊNCIA EM INGLÊS
PART A
Read the text below and decide accordingly on whether statements numbers 01 to 20
are true (T) or false (F).
5
10
15
20
25
30
35
Despite the voluminous literature on the democratic peace that suggests that
democracies do not typically initiate conflicts against one another, precisely how this
process works has remained largely opaque. The explanation for this dearth of theory
about the underlying mechanism behind the democratic peace can be attributed in part
to the origins of the recent literature on the subject. While scholars regularly trace the
idea of a peace between democracies to Kant ([1795] 1983), the lineage of the current
literature is actually more appropriately traced to the echoes of the behavioral
revolution that fundamentally shifted empirical research in international relations in the
1960s and 1970s. Drawing on the first broad datasets of international conflict, a
number of scholars quickly observed the absence of conflict between democratic states
in their statistical models (e.g. Rummel 1979; Babst 1972; Singer and Small 1972).
However, this legacy has meant that the democratic peace has had difficulty
progressing – so much so that some have described it as an empirical regularity in
search of an explanation (Ray 2000). Indeed, the mechanisms identified by this
literature by and large consist of post-hoc explanations for empirical findings. In
response, we have presented a more robust, deductive theory of democratic constraint
and generated finding that specifically address the expectations that arise from it.
It is worth emphasizing that our findings indicate a monadic democratic peace (i.e.
democracy with the attributes we identify fight less overall) rather than a dyadic peace
(i.e. democracies do not fight each other). This is a substantial departure from the
existing literature, which has generally only found empirical support for the more limited
dyadic proposition. Given that we find support for our key predictions, this underlines
the potential importance of these arguments for academics and policymakers alike.
Once we recognize the diversity of democratic institutions we can easily reconcile the
general dearth of evidence of uniquely pacific democratic conflict behavior at the
monadic level with the recurrent finding of a dyadic democratic peace. More
specifically, we find that robust political opposition and widespread access to the mass
media can, in tandem, go a long way toward accounting for the longstanding empirical
observation that democracies rarely go to war against one another
The conditional argument we present and test here suggest the need for more finely
honed policies that move beyond a single-minded focus on democratization.
Specifically, our findings indicate that those looking to institute executive constraint and
the positive international externalities that come with it should be promoting specific
institutional attributes rather than democracy in any form. This means a much more
mundane promotion of robust media and electoral institutions. While such policies may
be less dramatic than images of ink-stained thumbs raised in the air signifying a
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nation’s first free election, they may prove more effective in producing the very pacific
foreign policy behavior that democratic leaders – especially U.S. presidents – routinely
cite as a primary justification for promoting democracy abroad.
Nonetheless, while policymakers rarely cite factors like the number of parties or media
access in speeches about promoting democracy, when the proverbial rubber meets the
road, they often advocate that new democracies choose consociational constitutions. A
case in point is Iraq. While American leaders publicly focused on the “triumph” of free
elections, they more quietly pushed Iraq to adopt a multi-party, consociational system.
They did so not in anticipation of any additional pacifying effect on Iraqi foreign policy
owing to multipartism (as per our argument here). Rather, they viewed
consociationalism as necessary to create sufficient domestic political buy-in among the
disparate stakeholders in Iraq. In other words, the United States advocated a multiparty system for Iraq’s domestic political purposes. Yet our findings suggest that this
choice may potentially produce an important unintended positive foreign policy
externality.
Nonetheless, U.S. advocacy of a multi-party system is perhaps surprising, and
arguably ironic, since the United States is itself the archetypal two-party democracy.
Such a system, if successfully institutionalized, could produce the very sort of robust
political opposition that we argue underpins, along with mass access to media, the
pacific behavior of some democracies. Of course, it remains an open question whether
Iraq will successfully institutionalize its nascent democratic institutions. Regardless, our
findings suggest an important, yet largely overlooked, mechanism through which the
media and electoral institutions shape states’ conflict behavior. That is, our findings
suggest that the nature of a state’s information generation and transmission
mechanisms, in interaction, importantly influence democratic constraint. The implication
is that not all democracies are alike, or equally likely to participate in any Kantian
pacific federation. Only by recognizing the significant diversity of democratic institutions
might the empirical observation of a democratic peace finally hope to meet its
theoretical match.
Adapted from: BAUM, M., POTTER, P., Information, Popular Constraint, and the
Democratic Peace. Faculty Research Working Paper Series. Harvard Kennedy School.
March 2014. Retrieved on 3rd April 2014.
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
Tipicamente, democracias não iniciam conflitos umas contra as
outras, apesar do escasso volume de literatura sobre esse assunto.
A explicação prática sobre os mecanismos que fundamentam a paz
democrática podem ser atribuídos à consagrada literatura sobre o
assunto.
A linhagem da literatura atual é mais adequadamente ligada à
revolução comportamental que mudou a pesquisa empírica em
relações internacionais na década de 1960 e 1970.
Baseados num amplo conjunto de dados sobre conflitos
internacionais, pesquisadores observaram a ausência de conflitos
entre estados democráticos nos seus modelos estatísticos.
A paz democrática vem progredindo sem dificuldades, tanto que
alguns pesquisadores a descrevem como uma regularidade empírica.
Os autores apresentam uma teoria mais robusta e dedutiva sobre a
restrição democrática que trata mais especificamente das
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8.
9.
10.
11.
12.
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15.
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18.
expectativas dela advindas.
Vale a pena enfatizar que os resultados encontrados pelos autores
indicam um modelo de paz monádico em detrimento a um modelo de
paz diádico.
Apesar de encontrarem apoio para suas principais previsões, a
potencial importância dos seus argumentos é tangencial tanto para
acadêmicos quanto para políticos.
Depois de reconhecer a diversidade das instituições democráticas, é
impossível reconciliar as evidências de paz democrática no nível
monádico apenas com a informação recorrente da paz democrática
do tipo diádico.
Os autores destacam que oposição política robusta e amplo acesso
aos meios de comunicação de massa podem, de maneira geral, ser os
responsáveis pela observação empírica de que as democracias
raramente fazem guerra umas contra as outras.
Enquanto políticos raramente citam fatores como o número de
partidos ou o acesso aos meios de comunicação para promover a
democracia, eles geralmente defendem que novas democracias
devem adotar constituições conciliatórias.
Enquanto os líderes dos Estados Unidos destacam publicamente o
triunfo (as vantagens) de eleições livres, mais discretamente eles
pressionam o Iraque a adotar um sistema multipartidário
conciliatório.
Contrariamente, líderes dos Estados Unidos veem a abordagem
conciliatória como desnecessária para criar a suficiente atuação
política entre os diferentes participantes políticos na nova democracia
do Iraque.
Os Estados Unidos defendem um sistema multipartidário para o
sistema político doméstico do Iraque. Os estudos dos autores do texto
sugerem que esta escolha pode potencialmente produzir uma
externalidade de política externa positiva.
A defesa, por parte dos Estados Unidos, de um sistema
multipartidário não é surpreendente nem irônico, já que o próprio
sistema norte-americano é ele mesmo baseado em um arquétipo de
democracia bipartidária.
O sistema bipartidário, se institucionalizado com sucesso no Iraque,
poderia produzir um tipo de oposição política robusta que poderia
modelar o comportamento pacífico típico das democracias
ocidentais.
Ainda permanece aberto a questionamentos se o Iraque conseguirá
institucionalizar de maneira exitosa suas instituições democráticas.
De toda maneira, os resultados das pesquisas sugerem um importante
mecanismo por meio do qual a mídia e as instituições eleitorais
modelam o comportamento dos estados em relação à administração
de conflitos.
Os resultados das pesquisas dos autores sugerem que a natureza da
geração e transmissão de informação dos Estados influenciam a
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20.
limitação democrática.
A implicação dos resultados das pesquisas dos autores revela que
nem todas as democracias são susceptíveis a participarem de
qualquer tipo de federação pacífica kantiana.
Apenas pelo reconhecimento da diversidade das instituições
democráticas é que a observação empírica da paz democrática pode
finalmente ter alguma esperança de encontrar sua contraparte teórica.
PART B
Leia os textos I a IV e responda as questões 1 a 20 que se seguem:
I - “Criteria for a democratic process. Within the enormous and often impenetrable
thicket of ideas about democracy, is it possible to identify some criteria that a process
for governing an association would have to meet in order to satisfy the requirement that
all the members are equally entitled to participate in the association’s decisions about
its policies? There are, I believe, at least five such standards.
Effective participation. Before a policy is adopted by the association, all the members
must have equal and effective opportunities for making their views known to the other
members as to what the policy should do.
Voting equality. When the moment arrives at which the decision about a policy will
finally be made, every member must have an equal and effective opportunity to vote,
and all votes must be counted as equal.
Enlightened understanding. Within reasonable limits as to time, each member must
have equal and effective opportunities for learning about the relevant alternative
policies and their likely consequences.
Control of the agenda. The members must have the exclusive opportunity to decide
how and, if they choose, what matters are to be placed on the agenda. Thus the
democratic process required by the three preceding criteria is never closed. The
policies of the association are always open to change by the members, if they so
choose.
Inclusion of adults. All, or at any rate most, adult permanent residents should have the
full rights of citizens that are implied by the first four criteria. Before the twentieth
century this criterion was unacceptable to most advocates of democracy. To justify it, it
will require us to examine why we should treat others as our political equals”
DAHL, R. A., On Democracy. Yale University Press. New Haven. 1998, p 37-38
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1. Quais são os critérios que o autor sugere para delimitar o conceito de
democracia?
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2. O que o autor diz sobre o primeiro critério para delimitar o conceito de
democracia?
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3. O que o autor diz sobre o segundo critério para delimitar o conceito de
democracia?
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4. O que o autor diz sobre o terceiro critério para delimitar o conceito de
democracia?
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5. O que o autor diz sobre o quarto critério para delimitar o conceito de
democracia?
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6. O que o autor diz sobre o quinto critério para delimitar o conceito de
democracia?
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III - With its comprehensive and painstaking analysis of European politics today, this
substantial textbook adventurously tries to overcome the restrictions typical of its
genre. The author merits praise for both good workmanship and an interpretive
approach that is unusually provocative. The risk thus taken provides a text that is far
more interesting, informative, and stimulating than is common.
There are two main substantive respects in which the fresh and more revelatory
approach succeeds, and two others in which it fails.
First, the comparative analysis comes with candid recognition that political change is
both constant and more important than mere territorial difference. Due consideration is
given therefore to the irreversible dissolution of behavioral and structural patterns
previously seen as determinants of European politics before the 1980s.
The second originality is to treat European integration as a pervasive and crucial factor
in the same transformative process, reflecting the decline of even the major European
states as world actors, and challenging their stubborn pretensions to internal
sovereignty. This offers students a perspective far more realistic and durable than
usual.
The gamble loses, when the author proves too shy to go far enough in these wellchosen directions. Having acknowledged that something is seriously wrong with the
state-centred model endemic to comparative politics, most of his analysis strenuously
treats all states as more or less equally significant, despite the huge variation in
practice in both their power and their longevity, mainly related to size. While this
approach does serve to emphasise the diversity of European state politics (making it
more comprehensible for Americans especially), it tends to weaken the well-judged
emphasis on secular trends that cross state boundaries almost indiscriminately.
Moreover, though sometimes aptly supported, as in a well-judged reference to the
‘Americanisation’ of politics within European states, this line of argument too often
becomes one-sided, even platitudinous. Thus there is neither challenge to, nor
evidence for, the conventional neo-liberal doctrine that by the 1970s: ‘The huge welfare
states in most advanced countries were absorbing funds and creating stagnation in the
national economies’ (p. 233). The book was finished just in time to take into account
the outbreak of global financial crisis in 2008, but not its consequences. A more critical
admission of the irresponsibility and inefficiency of the private sector, which is now
exposed for all to see, would have made the book less prone to be dated by the time it
was published.
Adapted from: COOMBES, D. 2011University of Limerick. Book review: Contemporary
European Politics: A Comparative Introduction by José M. Magone. Abingdon:
Routledge, 2011. pp. 651. Retrieved on 05th April 2014.
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7. Como o autor avalia a obra de Magone nas cinco primeiras linhas do texto?
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8. Segundo o autor, qual é o primeiro dos dois principais aspectos substantivos em
que a abordagem de Magone é mais reveladora e bem-sucedida?
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9. Segundo o autor, qual é o segundo dos dois principais aspectos substantivos em
que a abordagem de Magone é mais reveladora e bem-sucedida?
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10. Qual evento de destaque de 2008 está incluído no livro de Magone? Quais as
implicações da análise desse evento para a avaliação geral da obra?
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IV - “Because party leadership is interested in maintaining (or moving) the party ideal
point as close as possible to its own, leaders might want to be strategic about how they
treat potential in- and out switchers. The possibility that party switchers could affect
both party size and party ideal points (either prejudicially or beneficially from the
perspective of leadership) suggests four hypotheses
H1 – Party leaders should try to attract switchers who would help move party positions
closer to their own, because aligned inswitchers would increase the leader’s leverage
vis-à-vis the the party as a whole;
H2 – Leaders should encourage outswitching by member who, by virtue of their own
preferences and contrary to the preferences of most of their copartisans, constrain
leaders from moving their party in desired ways;
H3 – to the extent that inswitchers improve a party’s legislative bargaining position
(because they increase the party’s seat share and hence their legislative weight)
leadership should want to attract inswitchers even if they have no effect on the party
ideal point. By the same token, leadership should seek to discourage balanced
outswitching;
H4 – party positions are independent from the position of individual members,
including leaders and/or whips, and should not change with changes in legislative
membership.
Adapted from: HELLER, W. B. & MERSHON, C. Legislators Preferences, Party
Desires. Political Parties and Legislative Party Switching. Edited by William B. Heller
and Carol Mershon. Palgrave Macmillan, New York. 2009, p 181.
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11. Heller e Mershon apresentam quatro hipóteses sobre lideranças e fidelidade
partidária. Qual é a primeira delas?
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12. Heller e Mershon apresentam quatro hipóteses sobre lideranças e fidelidade
partidária. Qual é a segunda delas?
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13. Heller e Mershon apresentam quatro hipóteses sobre lideranças e fidelidade
partidária. Qual é a terceira delas?
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14. Heller e Mershon apresentam quatro hipóteses sobre lideranças e fidelidade
partidária. Qual é a quarta delas?
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IV. BURNELL, P. Democracy, democratization and climate change: complex
As colunas da tabela são contadas da esquerda para a direita: Independent variable (1ª Coluna) e Dependent variable
(4ªColuna)
relationships. Democratization, 19:5, 813-842, DOI: 10.1080/13510347.2012.709684
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15. Quais são as quatro variáveis independentes apresentadas por Burnell?
(Primeira coluna da tabela).
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16. Burnell apresenta oito variáveis intervenientes. Quais são as quatro primeiras?
(segunda coluna da tabela)
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17. Burnell apresenta oito variáveis intervenientes. Quais são as três penúltimas?
(As três primeiras da terceira coluna)
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18. Burnell apresenta oito variáveis intervenientes. Qual é a última delas? (A
última da terceira coluna)
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19. Quais são as quatro variáveis dependentes apresentadas por Burnell? (Quarta
coluna da tabela)
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20. O que Burnell apresenta na nota / observação (Notes) da tabela acima referida?
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