IRI Report
Survey Report
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Table of Contents
TABLE OF CONTENTS
TABLE OF CONTENTS...........................................................................................................2
INTRODUCTION .....................................................................................................................4
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS .........................................................................................................5
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY .......................................................................................................6
Institutional Trust...................................................................................................................9
CONTEXT AND GENERAL OBJECTIVES .........................................................................16
Methodology ........................................................................................................................17
CHAPTER 6. CHARACTERISTICS OF THE SURVEY POPULATION............................19
CHAPTER 7. LEVEL OF POLITICAL PARTICIPATION...................................................26
7.1
Knowing About the Right to Vote as an Expression of Political Participation .......26
7.2
Intent to Vote in the Next Elections.........................................................................27
7.3
Importance of General and National Elections........................................................30
7.4
Importance of Local Elections .................................................................................33
7.5
Likelihood of Accepting Political Appointments and Knowledge of Elections......34
7.6
Active Political Participation and Party Affiliation .................................................36
7.7
Profile of Political Candidates .................................................................................39
CHAPTER 8. LEVEL OF EXPECTATIONS /PERCEPTIONS ABOUT ELECTIONS AND
POLITICAL MOBILITY ........................................................................................................42
8.1 Attitude Towards Legislative and Presidential Elections ..............................................42
8.2 Political Mobility ...........................................................................................................44
8.3 Comparative Expectations about Validity and Fairness of Future Elections ................47
8.4 Deepened Democratization Process and Free and Fair Elections..................................49
CHAPTER 9. PERCEPTION OF POLITICAL ACTORS AND INSTITUTIONAL TRUST
..................................................................................................................................................51
9.1 Citizen Perceptions Concerning Political Parties .........................................................51
9.2 Potential Voter Trust in Other Institutions....................................................................56
9.3 Summary of the Perceptions of Institutional Trust .......................................................60
CHAPTER 10. ATTITUDES AND PERCEPTIONS ABOUT THE PROVISION OF
PUBLIC SERVICES ...............................................................................................................63
10.1 Difficulties Obtaining Public Services.........................................................................63
10.2 Coverage of social and safety services ........................................................................70
10.3 Quality of public services ............................................................................................71
10.4 Corruption / Informalization of public services...........................................................72
10.5 Coverage of Government Services ..............................................................................73
CHAPTER 11. DETERMINANTS OF VOTING TRENDS ..................................................76
11.1 Factors Influencing Voting Process Decisions ............................................................76
11.2 Anticipating Political Mobility ....................................................................................79
11.3 Predictability of Voting in the Next Elections.............................................................79
11.4 Respondents Facing the Challenge of Change.............................................................80
11.5 Influence in the Voting Decision Making Process ......................................................83
CHAPTER 12. THE MEDIA AND ELECTIONS ..................................................................85
12.1 Access to Information ..................................................................................................85
12.2 Role of Mass Communications in the Next Elections .................................................88
CHAPTER 13. SOCIOECONOMIC POLICY ISSUES THAT SHAPE POLITICAL
CAMPAIGNS ..........................................................................................................................93
13.1 Food .............................................................................................................................94
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13.2. Health and AIDS.........................................................................................................97
13.3 Employment..............................................................................................................100
13.4 Education ..................................................................................................................101
CHAPTER 14. GENDER AND POLITICAL PARTICIPATION........................................104
14.1 Gender and Perception of Political Participation.......................................................104
14.2 Gender and Women’s Votes ......................................................................................105
14.3 Gender and Perceptions .............................................................................................106
ATTACHMENTS..................................................................................................................109
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IRI Report
Introduction
INTRODUCTION
The International Republican Institute (IRI) is proud to be in Angola at such an important
moment of the nation’s history. Invited by the Government of Angola through the U.S.
Department of State and the U.S. Agency for International Development, IRI has as its
mission to support the education and training of political parties in Angola in preparation for
the next elections.
This study, which we have the pleasure to present, is the result of a national survey conducted
at the beginning of the 2003. We hope that the government, political parties and civil society
organizations will find this information useful and valuable in understanding the attitudes and
opinions of Angolans about past and future elections, and about issues that concern and
interest them.
We would like to express our gratitude for the many contributions from all who supported
this project including the U.S. Department of State and the U.S. Agency for International
Development. Special acknowledgement is offered to our local partner in this project, A-IP,
whose work shows the highest quality and professionalism. We would like to extend our
gratitude to all of our partners.
Robert Miller
Director, IRI Angola
Christine Wilkins
Deputy Director, IRI Angola
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Acknowledgements
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
This study examines what Angolans expect from the next elections, and so involved a large
number of participants. The A-IP, the Institute of Economic and Social Research, would like
to extend its gratitude to all who contributed to this effort:
To the political leaders, local administrators and civil servants in the provinces of Luanda,
Malange, Uíge, Luanda-Sul, Huambo, Benguela and Huíla, for creating the conditions to
conduct the research in their jurisdictions.
To the team members, coordinators, supervisors, and interviewers, for their dedication,
perseverance and the attention given to the research.
To the International Republican Institute (IRI), for the opportunity created by funding the
study at a time when the country is preparing to conduct its second voting process.
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Executive Summary
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
Some general conclusions of the study show that Luanda represents a psychologically
different political environment than other provinces in the country. Respondents in Luanda
are more accustomed to political changes than others in the country. The basic difference
between the groups resides at the level of perceptions regarding key issues in the present
Angolan situation, even though developmental problems are structurally identical in both
groups. Another general conclusion is that the next elections will be contested more in terms
of party and candidate behavior than in terms of platform ideas. One consequence of this
could be that the design of specific political strategies will have to be tailored to the needs of
political clients.
Level of Political Participation
Most of the people surveyed, 93 out of 100, understand that voting is exercising a right based
in citizenship. The regional diversity of the sample, Luanda and other provinces, and the
gender of the respondents, were not decisive factors that account for the difference of
perceptions among the responses. Nevertheless, among rural subjects, the feeling that prevails
among 10.3% of the subjects is that voting is an obligation imposed by the government.
Likewise, 16% of illiterate respondents share the same perceptions.
86 of every 100 subjects in the sample who were old enough to vote in 1992, did so. They
represent slightly over half the sample (54.8%) as experienced voters. Almost 68 of every
100 respondents expressed their intent to vote in the next elections. The percentage of
undecided, 22.8%, (those who have yet to decide whether they will vote), represent a subset
of voters that can be influenced by political party platforms presented to the population
during the campaigns.
The comparison between voting patterns in the elections of 1992 and the present responses,
as a proxy for the behavior of future parliamentary elections, shows that:
•
•
•
86% of the respondents in this sample who were old enough to vote in 1992, voted in
1992;
In mid 2003, 67.7% of the respondents expressed their intent to vote in the next
elections;
The present difference of 18.3% translates into the anticipated loss at the level of
political participation in the next elections.
The pattern of responses as to whether subjects will or will not vote in the next elections is
the same in both Luanda and the other provinces. In 1992, the pattern of responses was the
same among all respondents in Luanda and the other provinces. The results show the voting
behavior for future elections among the experienced and new voters – those who voted and
who did not, respectively – in 1992:
•
•
New voters are less likely to abstain from voting than experienced voters (a difference
of 13.5%).
Absenteeism in Luanda will be greater that in the other provinces (14% state they will
not vote).
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Executive Summary
•
The level of undecided voters between new and experienced voters is relatively
greater among new voters. The other provinces have a greater number of undecided
among new voters.
As to formal education levels, respondents show the same political participation patterns
from 1992 for the next elections. As to the response patterns by self assessed socioeconomic
status, we can see a decreasing participation trend, inversely proportional to better
socioeconomic status. As to the next elections, the response patterns point toward a decrease
in participation of the self-proclaimed "very poor" to "improved" groups where there is a
greater level of indecision as well. The results of the study show that 61 of every 100
responses believe the war is a factor that can influence the elections; 29 out of 100 believe the
result of the elections can influence voting, and 40 out of every 100 believe their vote will be
influenced by what they will hear and see.
Level of Importance of Local and National Elections
A total of 64% of respondents said they do not know and did not hear anything about local
elections. Compared to other provinces, Luanda (38.5%) shows greater awareness levels.
Respondents from urban areas know more about local elections and rural residents know less.
The most informed are among the younger respondents (18-25 years old), followed by the
60+ age group; men (37.9%) moreso than women (28.1%). The greater the level of formal
education, the greater the amount of information respondents have regarding local elections.
The self proclaimed "poor" and "very poor" know less about local elections.
Half of those who answered the survey and who have certain knowledge about local elections
believe local elections are as important as national elections. Almost a third believe they are
more important. Close to 70 of every 100 respondents in the sample expressed preference for
voting in legislative elections. This trend seems to hold true because even among those who
know very little about local elections, just over half (53%) prefer to vote in legislative
elections. There is a greater likelihood among those who have certain knowledge about local
elections to accept political appointments. The sequence in the elections calendar for general,
national and local elections shows that 70.9% respondents believe local elections should be
held before the general or national elections for the Legislative or Executive branch.
Party Affiliation Status
34 of every 100 respondents say they have political affiliations; one fifth had some kind of
political affiliation in the past. The majority (60 in every 100) say they do not have political
affiliations. The study identified social and demographic profiles of respondents, militants,
former party members and respondents with no party affiliation, plus the profiles for
candidates for political appointments.
From the standpoint of 34.5% of those who said they were members, militants or
sympathizers of a political party, the main reasons for joining a political party were (in
descending order): (a) ideas and proposals presented by the chosen political party; (b) leaders
of the chosen party; (c) advantages to being a member of the political party; (d) the party with
the greatest power in the region; (e) family and friends’ influence; (f) most of the party
leaders are from the region of the respondent; and (g) political pressure.
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Executive Summary
The main reasons given by 54.6% of those who say they “have no political ties” with political
parties are the following: (a) 47.3% are not interested in politics; (b) 31.3% were never
invited; (c) 12.9% do not trust any political party; and (d) 19.9% offer other reasons.
Correlations between the main reason for selecting a political party, ideas proposed
by a given party and personal individual characteristics (such as gender, age, socioeconomic
class, education levels, native language, and religion) are not significant. This means the
ideas and proposals are given weight regardless of differences among respondents. However,
the correlations between the second the charismatic influence of the leader and the personal
individual characteristics are significant to “locate” the respondents in either rural, suburban
or urban areas. The correlation to the political leadership or the tendency to value the political
leadership as a criteria for choosing party affiliation is influenced by the location where the
respondent lives.
Election Expectations /Perceptions
The survey captured the attitudes of respondents before the first legislative and presidential
elections in the country (1992) as characterized by: (a) fear and uncertainty for the postelection scenario, 61 out of 100 responses; (b) importance of voting, 72 out of 100 responses;
and (c) need for change, 68 out of 100 responses. Perceptions about future elections are more
focused on: (a) need for change, 64 out of 100 responses; and (b) exercising the right to vote,
30 of every 100 responses. By comparing these two periods one can say there are less
expectations concerning to the right to vote, that is, voting did not have much importance as a
personal experience in 1992. When elections are seen as a mechanism for social change, and
there are less than 14 out of every 100 respondents who believe elections can produce this
effect, it can be said that there is greater discredit or less trust in this institutional mechanism.
Political Mobility
Political mobility expresses the tendency people have to change their support and link to a
given association or political party. This study attempted to discuss in what measure
respondents are loyal to the same political parties for which they voted for in 1992. The
results show that little more than half of the respondents, 53 of every 100, are loyal to the
political party for which they voted in 1992. We anticipate that from the beginning there is
the likelihood1 that the political parties voted for in 1992 have a reserve of half the
guaranteed voters among the experienced voters.2 And yet the number of undecided among
experienced voters is quite high, 38 of every 100. This shows there may be a link between
political uncertainty and disappointment and political parties which, in turn, is an indicator of
potential absenteeism from experienced voters in the next elections. On the other hand, 10 of
every 100 assert they will not vote for the same political party, indicating some partisan
break. The level of political mobility is greater in Luanda than in the other provinces. In
terms of formal education levels, the greater the education level attained, the greater the
political mobility. Access to information impacts political mobility as expressed through the
responses of those who read the newspapers, watch TV and listen to the radio on a daily
basis. Those respondents represent the largest numbers of people who refuse to vote for the
same political party (12% to 13%) and the lowest levels of indecision to vote.
1
2
Not knowing for what party the voter cast his or her vote in 1992 one cannot affirm who lost the most in terms of political mobility.
Those who voted in 1992.
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Executive Summary
Comparative Expectations of the Validity and Fairness of Future Elections
The analysis of confidence in future elections shows that 8 of 10 respondents believe future
elections will be freer and fairer than in 1992 (4,032 responses). There is no difference of
perception between those who voted in 1992 and those who did not.
The respondents were asked to identify what could impact holding future elections and
influence their quality. The results show that: (a) 8 of every 10 responses identified the return
of most of the displaced and the end of the demobilization process as the most important
factors; (b) the political will to set a date was the least mentioned factor. The results point to a
feeling among respondents of the need for correct preparation for the elections ensuring a
stable election environment.
Deepened Democratization Process and Free and Fair Elections
The measure in which the upcoming elections may deepen the democratization process is
intrinsically related to public acceptance of the next election results, which in turn depend on
the electoral process. Respondents were asked to choose a set of factors that would help them
better accept the next elections as free and fair. The factors chosen were: (a) ability of citizens
old enough to vote being permitted to register to vote and citizens registered to vote being
permitted to vote freely, 87 of every 100; (b) the possibility of the political parties having
access to the voting recounting sessions or voting, 77 of every 100 responses; and (c) the
presence of a competent and non-partisan President of the electoral college, 78 of every 100
responses.
Institutional Trust
The Perception of the Social Role of Political Parties Requires Change
There is a critical perception of the social role of political parties regarding the magnitude of
their work, instruments, credibility, political ethics, representation and freedom of political
thought.
•
•
•
•
•
62 of every 100 responses mention a causal relationship between the close
relationship between “some” public officers and political parties, and the bad
performance of the institutions (instruments of the State and institutional
performance);
2,997 responses, or 75 of every 100, believe there is a transformation of political
parties into centers for disseminating and advocating for the interests of small groups
(credibility and representation);
half of the responses (2,017) say that in order to have a good job/position in an
organization, participation in a political party is a must (instruments of political
parties);
almost 4 of every 5 responses indicate it is difficult for them to identify their political
leaders, their congressmen, their representatives from the province or municipality,
“because they never show up to listen to their concerns” (political representation
system);
close to 60 in 100 responses openly said there is corruption among party leaders and
stated they would take their vote back (political ethics);
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Executive Summary
•
42 of every 100 responses evidence the belief that there is no freedom of political
thought within political parties; the perception is more favorable among party
members, 58 in 100 (freedom of political thought);
The results of the analysis show that respondents in Luanda are more susceptible to: making
political instruments out of public employees and impact institution performance;
transforming political parties into political action groups; distancing of political
representatives from their grassroots basis of social support and partisan corruption.
Compared to other provinces, the people of Luanda have a more positive perception about
freedom of political thought within political parties. The analysis, according to respondent
location, whether urban, suburban or rural, shows differences in perceptions among urban
and rural peoples where the former are more critical of the social role played by the political
parties. Indirectly, we infer that there is a generalized perception among the respondents that
there are problems of representation among the political parties.
Levels of Trust in Politics and Political Parties Leave Room for Improvement
In total, 31 in 100 do not trust and do not have positive empathy with politics, in general, and
with political parties, in particular. The response behavior found is identical among responses
from Luanda and the other provinces. The analysis of respondents’ profile who are less
trustful of the political system shows they tend to be: young women between 18 and 33 years
of age; mainly poor or improved; Catholic; Portuguese, Umbundo, or Kimbundo-speaking;
living largely in suburban areas. On the other hand, the analysis of the trust placed in political
parties measured by the perception of respondents about their capacity to solve the problems
of the population showed the following:
•
•
Political parties are second to last in a total of 23 institutions selected among
the most trustworthy to solve the problems of the population. That is only
4.1% of the respondents believe they have a role to play in solving the
problems of the population. This response profile is identical in Luanda and
the other provinces.
When the question was posed as to which was the institution they trust the
least to solve the problems of the population, political parties rank third, with
7.4% of the responses.
Potential Voter trust of Other Institutions
The level of trust that respondents have in State and community institutions was tested in an
exercise that entailed asking the respondents to name three institutions, out of a group of 22,
in which they would place most of their trust and less of their trust in solving the problems of
the population. These same two groups were asked to select the “most” and “least”
trustworthy institutions. The institutions were selected by the number of responses.
First, we can confirm that trust is evenly distributed among institutions, and there is a belief
that there are no strong institutions. The Executive is the most trusted institution. Second, in
Luanda and in the other provinces there is a pattern of priorities and responses that is
somewhat different. Third, institutions that have no social responsibility to solve the
problems of society such as family, church and friends are those in which the respondents
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Executive Summary
placed most of their trust. The four institutions that respondents trust the most to solve their
problems are in order of importance: family, church, president and government.
In the case of Luanda, the set of public institutions tasked with responsibilities of law and
order, enforcement, providing justice, legislative and executive support only received 1/3 of
the responses as to trust placed by respondents in their solving the problems of the
population. In the case of other provinces there is greater balance, where half of respondents
trust the government institutions to solve their problems.
The levels of distrust in the institutions were also analyzed by asking respondents which were
the institutions they trusted the least. In Luanda and other provinces the police are considered
the least trustworthy institution to solve the problems of society. The respondents from
Luanda have a more negative perception of public institutions because five of the first six
institutions selected were public institutions. The police placed first in both Luanda and the
other provinces. However the President, who appears as the least trustworthy institution in
Luanda, ranks as the most trustworthy in the other provinces. The image of political parties is
not highly regarded, either in Luanda or in the provinces, as they rank as the third least
trustworthy institution.
The response analysis summary of the perception levels of institutional trustworthiness
contrasting positive and negative responses shows the following:
•
•
In Luanda, family, church and the National Radio appear as the most credible institutions.
At the same time, the Police, local administration and political parties appear as the least
trustworthy institutions. It is interesting to note that the media organizations in general,
except the Jornal de Angola, have a positive image, that is to say, the differential between
the good image and bad image responses is positive. Of concern is the fact that all
institutions with a negative image differential are state institutions, precisely those in
charge of solving the problems of the population. An exception is the Armed Forces
which has a positive image among respondents.
In the other provinces, churches are the most trusted institutions to solve problems
followed by the institution of the President of the Republic. Likewise, the government
appears as the fourth most trustworthy institution, closely followed by traditional
authorities in fifth place. The private information agencies, Jornal de Angola, friends and
political parties appear as the least trustworthy institutions.
The perceptions of institutional trust are made within a context of a crisis scenario and of post
conflict instability. In this kind of scenario, the levels of institutional trust, in general, and
specifically regarding political institutions are unsteady. Knowing the nature of that type of
perception of institutional crisis is important to better tailor the proposals for political and
social solutions. In the case of this study, from an institutional point of view, this scenario is
characterized by:
•
•
•
A generalized distrust of institutions, especially of public state institutions;
A distrust of political institutions for not having the capacity to positively influence
solving the problems of the population;
The disproportional valorization of the importance of institutions such as family, church
and their social roles of solving the problems of the population;
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Executive Summary
•
Different levels of institutional trust between the center (Luanda) and the outskirts (other
provinces).
Determinants of Voting Trends
One of the most fascinating issues of political sociology is attempting to identify and
understand the factors, the main determinants, which influence individual voting decisions.
What factors weigh in the decision-making process of each citizen when casting a vote? This
information can help political parties adopt voter strategies that take these factors into
account.
The results show that the candidate’s political experience, freedom from corruption (ethics of
public servants) and previous political experience are the three most important factors that
play a role in the individual’s decision-making process to vote. They were answered by 48,
47 and 39 for every 100 responses, respectively. In the case of Luanda, the freedom from
corruption factor of the candidate was mentioned as the most important factor in 59 out of
100 responses compared to 40 in 100 in the other provinces (third most important factor). If
we add region to same national language spoken by the candidate – both indicators of
ethnicity – then we can say ethnicity is an important factor for 1/3 of the respondents form
the other provinces. This factor is relatively smaller in Luanda, 18 of every 100 candidates. In
rural areas, it is important for 34 out of 100 respondents. Although the degree of importance
of the factors that weigh in the decision to vote may vary among respondents from Luanda
and the other provinces, they agree on the four main factors considered in the decision to
vote: candidate’s freedom from corruption, political experience, governing experience and
candidate’s formal education level.
The factors deemed most important to the respondents are curiously related to the candidate’s
practices and behavior. The other factors relate to the quality potential of the candidate. Data
seems to indicate that respondents attempt, in the first place, to incorporate those factors
linked to the candidate’s praxis into their decision-making process instead of the quality
potential that the candidate seems to have. That is, the data seems to point towards an attitude
of "judging known acts" then betting on a blank slate of potential ideas, technical knowledge
and other characteristics of the candidate.
With the recourse of binary regression models, the intent was to anticipate what variables had
an impact on political mobility and predicting if a voter would, in fact, vote in the next
elections. The variable, the candidate’s previous experience in government, is the one which
has the greatest explanatory value for the potential behavior of the respondent regarding
political mobility. That is, the probability of a respondent voting for a different political party
from the one voted on in 1992 relates to the candidate's previous experience with
government. This variable, in turn, is positively identified and related to corruption. The
predictability of a voter casting his vote on the next elections is statistically related to the
importance he gives to the following variables: candidate’s previous experience in
government, political experience and personal knowledge of the candidate. The model can
anticipate 91% of the probability of voting if these variables are taken into account.
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Executive Summary
Respondents Before the Challenge of Change
Some questions related to behavior changes were posed to the respondents. They dealt with a
conflict of interest situation for respondents, since it was believed they shared the same ideas
as both candidates. The questions had to do with age differences, permanence in a political
appointment and voting for new parties.
The issue dealing with age differences entailed the idea of having a choice between the oldest
candidate with greater experience, or the newest candidate symbolizing new ideas. The
results show a slight difference in favor of the most experienced candidate and a significant
preference among respondents from the other provinces. Among the people of Luanda there
is a tendency to vote for younger candidates. The analysis also showed that among rural
respondents, older voters are more inclined to vote for older candidates and younger voters
prefer candidates which symbolize newer ideas.
Respondents were also asked to speak about the selection of two candidates with the same
ideas for public office, in a situation that could or could not entail removing the incumbent. In
general, 43 out of every 100 would vote for the incumbent, whereas 28 in 100 had no
preconceived ideas. When the analysis is made as to the main reasons for making the
decision, it is evident that Luanda has a different response pattern with slightly less
respondents voting for a new candidate for the position. One third of the respondents from
Luanda and the other provinces, in the study, are willing to accept new political parties in the
scene, which can be an indicator of political change. The response pattern is identical for new
and old voters, physical location of respondents (urban, suburban and rural), formal education
levels, and native language among the main spoken languages.
Influence or guidance in voting decision making process
Respondents were asked whom they would ask for help in case of doubts about a candidate.
They were given multiple choices, that is, they could select more than one source of
guidance. The related table shows the following:
•
•
The respondents from Luanda, over one third, are less likely to ask other people for
advice than people from other provinces.
The family is the main source of advice followed by older individuals and priests. In the
other provinces the traditional leaders, the sobas, also play the same role.
The Media and the Elections
Survey results show that, in general, access by citizens to information disseminated by the
media is deficient. Close to 30% of the population does not have access to information on a
weekly basis, whether by radio, newspaper or TV, and only 3% of citizens have access to
information from these three sources on a daily basis. In general, there is a confirmed high
level of uncertainty as to the neutrality of the media during the elections because almost two
fifths of the respondents did not voice an opinion. The level of access to information and the
level of uncertainty under the role of non-biased media during the elections are directly
related.
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Executive Summary
Close to 66 of every 100 respondents have access to information in Luanda and believe the
media will campaign in favor of the party in office, and it will prove their clear lack of
confidence in the freedom of the press by these organizations. In the other provinces there is
a lower proportion, but not less significant, with 47% as to radio and 40% as to TV – the
TPA. Although in relatively smaller proportions, opinions about private media organizations
are similar. In Luanda, at least 57% of the people in the most privileged group, in terms of
access to information, believe that private media organizations will campaign for a political
party. In other provinces the perception is lower (varying from 32% as to radio and 35% as to
newspapers).
The level of trust that respondents place in journalists is significantly lower because 60 of
100 respondents with access to information in Luanda, and half of those in the other
provinces say they will not trust or will trust very little whatever journalists show, say or
write. The perception that the media lacks neutrality in dealing with issues related to the next
electoral process, increases with the person’s level of formal education. The contrast between
public and private media organizations in Luanda, on one hand, and in other provinces, on the
other, is identical to the contrast existing with access to information.
The results suggest that any strategy for disseminating information during the electoral
process that strives to be as open as possible, must center on the radio. In spite of this, access
to radio in the other provinces is still not generalized, because although 18% of the
respondents in Luanda do not listen to the radio, in the other provinces almost half do not
listen to the radio. The data points to the risks of subjecting an important part of the voting
population to manipulation of information, bearing in mind the significant levels of illiteracy
and the general low formal education levels.
Socioeconomic Policy Issues and Political Campaigns
Critical developmental issues that concern the population can become the target of debates
and developing programs for voters and political campaigns. An attempt was made to identify
which would be the five socioeconomic issues that concern respondents. Disaggregate results
per domain of study show that food, health, shelter, displacement by war, social return to
mainstream, and water supply are collectively the five most important issues. In the case of
Luanda, corruption is more important than shelter. And yet, when respondents were asked to
select their main priority out of the five initially chosen, issues of employment and education
ended up being more important for the individual, taking the place of the collective selection
of shelter and displaced by war and return to mainstream society.
As to the aggregate issue of food security, it can be said that there is a general perception that
there is little food security, translated into weak monthly food availability, high prices and no
access to certain food groups, to the necessary proteins for personal development and growth.
The perception is that there is little support for producing food, in the form of low private
investment, low rural commercial credit, weak farm incentive policies and that small scale
farmers, on their own, cannot supply the domestic market. There is a generalized perception
that food distribution does not have a negative impact on the capacity of agriculture
producers to work, although there is the perception that half of the population have fallen off
food dependency. At the same time, there is the perception that the PAM is inefficient and
that it doesn’t make food assistance available when it is needed.
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Executive Summary
In terms of work force and job creation, the issues discussed (efficiency of job creation
policies, age groups most affected by unemployment, availability of jobs in the formal sector
and wages) respondents were unanimous. So, in terms of efficiency of public policies in the
employment sector, 70% of respondents believe the government has been unable to stimulate
job creation. Close to 90% believe young people are those who suffer the most with
unemployment issues and finding alternatives in the formal market. Even when the
perception is that there are jobs available, the problem of low wages remains.
In terms of education, there is the perception that limited access to schools is exacerbated in
the other provinces according to 60 of every 100 respondents. There is the perception that
informal payments made to teachers and public school administrators for education services
is a form of corruption and is greater among respondents in Luanda, 75 of very 100. This
negative perception is most evident in suburban and urban areas with 64.8 and 54%
respectively, of responses. There is a generalized perception that entrusting the Parent
Committees as an institutional mechanism for filing complaints does not work. Close to
62.3% of urban respondents believe that Parent Commissions do not work. The quality of the
education in public schools is bad according to the large majority of the respondents.
As to water supply there is the belief that the price of water is far too high for the families
that live in the suburbs, (Luanda (90.9%), Benguela (87.9%), and Uíge (62.5%)). A little
under half of respondents believe the problem with water in the cities is not that citizens are
not being charged for its use, but because users are not paying. Most of the respondents state
that neither government nor the NGOs have drilled holes or wells in their villas or
municipalities. The data in the survey indicates the problem with water is greatest in urban
and suburban areas.
Gender and Perception of Political Participation
Respondents were asked if the number of women in government at the National Assembly
and in the Administration, was high, medium or low. This question aimed to elicit
perceptions about political participation. The general opinion between men and women is that
female representation is low. Also, the level of political participation shows that women tend
to have a lower political participation level than men. Another indicator of political
participation is the likelihood of respondents to accept and be invited to become candidates
for political appointments. The results show that women are relatively less available than
men. Women, members or sympathizers of political parties are less available to work for the
elections than men. In general, the women interviewed place more trust in women taking on a
presidential position (51.7%), for congresswoman (72.2%) and for administrative
appointments (67.7%). That is, data indicates that among women there is a high level of
positive self esteem that women can occupy the same political positions as men. The male
perception regarding voting trends indicates that men feel more comfortable voting for
women for positions in civil society, such as “union leaders” (65%) or “association
leaders”(72%) than for the presidency (35.2%). All in all, there is greater openness on the
part of at least half of the males interviewed that aside from the presidency, they would be
open to voting for a woman for several political positions. Conclusions seem to indicate that
political parties that have a greater number of women candidates in their political campaigns
can conquer an important sector of voters that identifies more with women for public
positions.
15
IRI Report
Context and General Objectives
CONTEXT AND GENERAL OBJECTIVES
The Institute of Economic and Social Research (A-IP) was hired by the International
Republican Institute (IRI) to conduct a public opinion poll about the elections in Angola. This
study will serve for future IRI programming work for political parties, parliament and other
social actors and stakeholders in Angola, in areas such as civic education, institutional
support and others.
Between March and April of 2003, the A-IP prepared this public opinion poll by developing
the questionnaire and the logistic organization poll of 7 of the 18 provinces in the country.
The field research was conducted between April 29 to June 4, 2003. On June 23, 2003 the
preliminary results were presented.
In the developmental process there were two objectives:
•
To offer Angolans and national and international political actors a set of information
on the current profile of Angolan voters, and an assessment of the present and what is
anticipated for the future.
•
To support, by making this information public, the holding of wide ranging debates
and deliberations about political options and the role of the next elections.
These goals, which represent the first general survey about general elections in Angola
examined the following subjects:
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
profile of the Angolan voter;
level of political participation;
expectations or perceptions regarding the elections and political mobility;
perception regarding political actors and trust in the institutions;
determinants of voting trends;
relation between voters, the media and the elections;
issues of public policy that can configure political campaigns; and,
gender and political participation.
16
IRI Report
Methodology
Methodology
1. Sample of the Opinion Poll on the Elections
1.1 Universe of the Sample
The universe of the sample includes all citizens of voting age, 18 years and older, and living
in the seven provinces selected for the sample. Excluded from the sample were people living
in institutions, such as barracks, dorms, prisons, hospitals, etc. People who were visiting a
residence but do not normally live there were not included in the sample; they could not be
selected.
1.2 Sample Design
The sample design is a multiple phase area probability. Each subject had the same probability
of being included in the sample by random selection methodology. Through a series of
phases in the sample design, a selection was made of geographic areas of decreasing size.
The assurance that the sample was representative, the selection probability, was adjusted in
the following manner:
a) The sample was stratified by province and residential location (urban and rural).
Stratification by area allow for ethnically linguistic groups to have the same
opportunity to be included in the sample. The urban-rural stratification is biased in
relation to the urban areas, 60% of the sample against 40% of the rural area. The
reasons for this selection have to do with logistic issues as well as with programs of
follow-up surveys which will cover more rural areas;
b) In the first phase of the sample, the random sample was conducted with a probability
proportional to the size of the population. The universe of the sample of the seven
provinces is estimated at 85% of the total population of the country. The sample is
divided further into two primary strata: Luanda and other provinces.
In the Luanda stratum the sample is proportionally distributed by the size of the
population in each municipality within Luanda, applying the principle of proportional
probability to the size of the population of each municipality.
In the other provinces stratum 19 municipalities were selected based on greater
population density criteria and accessibility. With the exception of Uíge (logistic
access issue), the municipalities selected in the other provinces (average of 3) have a
population that is greater than half the population in the province. The urban
population in this stratum is estimated at 69%. To compensate for the rural underrepresentation a decision was made to survey 48% of this stratum in the rural area.
In the total sample, 69% of the surveys were conducted in urban areas. The design sample
had four phases:
•
•
•
A first phase to stratify and randomly select the primary sample units (PSUs);
A second phase to randomly select the starting sample points (SSPs);
A third phase to randomly select the households (Hs);
17
IRI Report
Methodology
•
A fourth phase to randomly select the individual respondents.
More specific information on the methodology is available in the attachment.
18
IRI Report
Chapter 6
CHAPTER 6. CHARACTERISTICS OF THE POPULATION IN THE SURVEY
Demographics
The data in the survey reveal that 50% of the respondents – potential voters – are at least 32
years old, and 75% are up to 42 years old, so the results of the second general elections will
be decided by a relatively young population.
Age
Valid responses
No response
Average
Half
Percentile
4,149
151
34.6
32.0
25
50
75
25
32
42
As can be observed, young groups in general represent the largest participant groups, with 18
to 25 year olds being the largest. In 1992 the oldest individuals in this group were only 14
years old and the youngest were 7 years old.
Groups by age
18 – 25
26 – 33
34 – 41
42 – 49
50 – 59
60+ years old
Total responses
NUMBER
1,172
1,045
835
581
295
221
%
28.2
25.2
20.1
14.0
7.1
5.3
4,149
100
Gender
The data in the table below shows that 50.8% of the respondents are male and 49.2% female,
which corresponds to the principle of applying the gender quota defined in the sample
methodology. Mention must be made that in the provinces of Benguela and Lunda Sul the
proportion of women is significantly lower than the principle of applying the gender quota
defined in the sample methodology. This is because in these provinces there were some
instances in which the traditional leaders, sobas, did not allow the interviews to be held, and
husbands did not allow their wives to be interviewed. In the provinces of Huíla and Luanda
the proportion of women is higher than of men. In these provinces, most of the voters for the
next elections are expected to be women. (See table below.)
19
IRI Report
Chapter 6
Education Levels
The average education levels among respondents is 8th grade, Level III, and the illiteracy rate
is 15.9%. The respondents with middle education levels is 14.7%. Only 2.4% of respondents
have higher education levels; 36.8 and 25.1% of the respondents in the provinces of Luanda
and Benguela have a 3rd grade education. The greatest formal education deficits can be found
in the provinces of Lunda Sul and Malange, in which 36 and 34 of every 100 respondents are
illiterate.
Habilitacoes Literarias
Missing
4.0%
Universitario
2.4%
Analfabeto
Medio
15.9%
14.7%
I nivel
III nivel
23.6%
17.3%
II nivel
22.1%
Ethnicity: Native Language
Most respondents speak Umbundo as their native language, that is 29 out of every 100
subjects in the sample. The native languages of Kimbundo and Portuguese represent 25% and
23% of the sample. The distribution of native languages per province shows that Umbundo is
the language that dominates in the Huambo and Huíla provinces, that is 91% and 62.1% of
respondents. In the province of Benguela, 50% of the respondents speak Umbundo and 49%
speak Portuguese. In the provinces of Lunda Sul, Malange and Uíge, there is greater
predominance in the regional languages, namely: Cokwe, Kimbundo and Kikongo. In the
province of Luanda, 39 of every 100 respondents speak Kimbumdo, followed by Portuguese
(28%) and Kikongo (15.6%). (See table.)
20
IRI Report
Chapter 6
Native Language
Other
1%
Ganguela
1%
Cokwe
10%
Portuguese
23%
Umbundo
29%
Nhaneca/Humbe
1%
Kimbundo
25%
Kikongo
10%
Portuguese
Kimbundo
Kikongo
Nhaneca/Humbe
Umbundo
Cokwe
Ganguela
Other
Religion
The relative majority of respondents are Catholic, that is 46% of the sample. 28% of the
respondents are Protestant and only 9% claim no religion.
Religião
Sem religião
9%
Outra
17%
Protestante
28%
Católico
46%
Sem religião
Protestante
Católico
Outra
Analyzing the data by province in the provinces of Huambo, Benguela, Malange, Huíla and
Luanda, most of the respondents say they are Catholic. Forty six and 34 of every 100
respondents in the provinces of Uíge and Lunda Sul are Protestants.
21
IRI Report
Chapter 6
Family Relationships/Marital Status
The respondents that live together but are not married constitute a relative majority of 41%.
Married and single respondents correspond to 27% and 21% respectively. Widows and those
separated are 5 to 6% of the respondents.
Estado Marital
Separado
5%
Viúvo
6%
Casado(a)
21%
União de facto
41%
Casado(a)
Solteiro(a)
27%
Solteiro(a)
União de facto
Viúvo
Separado
At the provincial levels, the survey shows that in Huambo, 39 of every 100 respondents are
married. In the other provinces Benguela, Malange, Uíge, Lunda Sul, Huíla and Luanda, the
proportion of respondents that live together is significant. Respondents who are widows in
Malange, Huambo and Benguela represent 9.4%; 8.6%; and 7% respectively of the total
sample.
Head of Household Status
The survey asked individuals 18 years old and older their status in the household. As the table
below shows, 44% are head of household, 35% are spouses and the remaining 21% are other
family members.
Estatuto de Chefia do Agregado Familiar
Outro
21%
Chefe
44%
Esposo(a)
35%
Chefe
Esposo(a)
Outro
22
IRI Report
Chapter 6
The table below shows the relationship between marital and head of household status in the
family. One can see that 46.3% of the head of household respondents live in cohabitation,
22.5% are married, 15.6% are single, 8.1% are widows, and 7.1% are separated, respectively.
Head of Household Status
Head
Spouse
Married
22.5
29.2
Single
15.6
10.7
Cohabitate 46.3
53.6
Widow
8.1
4.6
Separated 7.4
1.8
100.0
100.0
Marital status
Total
Other
2.3
75.0
11.0
5.2
6.5
100.0
Average Family Size per Province
In the provinces of Huambo and Huíla the average number of household members is 6. In
Benguela, Malange, Uíge and Lunda Sul, the average is 5. Luanda is the province with the
largest average of members per household, 7.
Economic and Occupational Status
According to assessments made by the respondents themselves, 38% are poor. Poor, very
poor and improved represent high levels of vulnerability, representing 79% of the
respondents. From the onset we can project that most voters are poor. As to self
socioeconomic assessment status in the provinces, 31% of the respondents in Huambo are
“very poor”, in Huíla (44.9%) and in Huíge (16.3%) of respondents consider themselves
“rich”3. Luanda is the province where 46 and 41 of every 100 respondents describe
themselves as “more or less” and “improved”, the percentage of respondents who consider
themselves “poor” is 30.5%.
Auto definição de pobreza
Mais ou menos
20%
Rico Muito pobre
8%
1%
Pobre
38%
Remediado
33%
Muito pobre
Pobre
Remediado
Mais ou menos
Rico
3
Respondent’s perception of wealth is related to religious issues. There is a saying: “He who has Jesus, or rather, He who is worships God
and Jesus Christ has everything.”
23
IRI Report
Chapter 6
Perception of Neighbor’s “Poverty” Status
The respondents were asked the following question: Which do you think is your neighbor’s
socioeconomic status? The data extracted form the survey in the table below shows that 83%
of the respondents who consider themselves poor also believe their neighbor is poor and 73%
of those who believe they are very poor also believe their neighbor is very poor. Sixty eight
of every 100 respondents who classify themselves as “improved” also believe their neighbor
is “improved”; and finally, 54 of 100 respondents believe their neighbor is rich.
Self
assessment
of poverty
Perception of Neighbor’s “Poverty” Status of the Neighbors
Very
More or
poor Poor Improved
less
Rich
Very poor
73
17
3.7
5.5
0.3
Poor
2.6
83
8.5
4.8
0.4
Improved
0.9
8.3
77.5
10.9
2.3
More or less
0.5
5
20
70.6
3.3
Rich
12.5
12.5
20.8
54.2
Total
7.4
36.7
33
20.2
2.2
Don’t
know
0.6
0.7
0.1
0.6
0.5
Occupation
The make-up of occupational categories, as in the table below, can be separated into 11
categories for the survey, five of which are most relevant: farmer/peasants (2%); civil
servants (18%); self employed (17%); unemployed (10%); and students (9%).
Categoria Ocupacional
Outra situação
1%
Estudante
9%
mpregado/empresa
privada
8%
Dona de casa
7%
Militar
2%
Desemprego
10%
Funcionário
18%
Assalariado informal
5%
Agricultor/camponês
20%
Desemprego
Trabalhador por conta própria
Agricultor/camponês
Dona de casa
Militar
Outra situação
Patrão/dono do negócio
3%
Trabalhador por conta
própria
17%
Funcionário
Patrão/dono do negócio
Assalariado informal
Empregado/empresa privada
Estudante
24
IRI Report
Chapter 6
Distribution by Institutional Sector
The data in the survey, as the graph below shows, reveals that 43% of potential voters are
employed in the informal sector of the economy. The informal sector represents the number
one employment provider, followed by the formal sector with 29% of future voters. The
significance of this is that a large part of future voters are working for themselves (self
employed) or farming the land, or working in the informal sector with small-scale art or
work. In the provinces of Huambo, Malange, Uíge, Lunda Sul and Huíla the potential voters
are mainly farmers or work the land. In the remaining provinces, Benguela and Luanda, 28.6
and 18.8% of the workers are self-employed. In all the provinces where the survey was
conducted the average number of workers per household was two.
Distribuição dos inquiridos por sector institucional
Não activos
28%
Sector informal
43%
Sector formal
29%
Não activos
Sector formal
Sector informal
25
IRI Report
Chapter 7
CHAPTER 7. LEVEL OF POLITICAL PARTICIPATION
This chapter deals with political participation. Several factors were analyzed, such as
knowing about the right to vote; political participation measured by exercise of the right to
vote in 1992; expectations about voting in the next elections; actively participating in politics
as in occupying political positions or appointments; and, the importance of having full
parliamentary elections. A political participation index was developed to help in the analysis
process.
7.1
Knowing About the Right to Vote as an Expression of Political Participation
Most of those surveyed, 93 out of 100, see the act of casting a vote as exercising a right of
citizenship. The regional diversity of the sample, Luanda and the other provinces, (Huambo,
Uíge, Lunda Sul, Benguela, Huíla) and the gender of the respondents were not decisive
factors in the different perceptions related to voting as a right or an obligation. However,
among rural respondents, the feeling that prevails on 10.3% is that voting is an obligation
imposed by the government, and this is shared by the 16% of the illiterate.
Col %
Habilitacoes Literarias
Analfabeto
Votar
significa
I nivel
II nivel
III nivel
Medio
Universitar
io
Total
Direito de cidadania
83.4%
91.2%
94.2%
95.9%
97.9%
97.1%
93.0%
Obrigacao decidida
pelo Governo
16.6%
8.8%
5.8%
4.1%
2.1%
2.9%
7.0%
100.0%
100.0%
100.0%
100.0%
100.0%
100.0%
100.0%
Total
Exercising the Right to Vote in 1992
Eighty six of every 100 respondents in the sample who were 18 or older in 1992 voted. They
represent a slightly more than half the sample, 54.8%. These are called the experienced
voters. The main reason for not voting in the first and only general elections given by
respondents was age: close to 82% did not vote in 1992 because they were not old enough at
the time. Of the remaining, 4.7% did not have a voter registration card and 3.5% were abroad.
These two response categories are indicators of support in analyzing logistical issues related
to the electoral process. In order to provide the universality feature to the voting process, an
organizational effort must be made so potential voters get their voter registration cards. Still,
almost 10% of the respondents said they had no interest or had other reasons not to vote.
The number of illiterates reaches 20%.
Votou nas eleicoes em 1992
Sim
Count
Localizacao
Row %
Count
Row %
Rural
913
85.4%
156
14.6%
Periurbano
963
85.1%
169
14.9%
420
89.7%
48
10.3%
2296
86.0%
373
14.0%
Urbano
Total
Nao
26
IRI Report
Chapter 7
7.2
Intent to Vote in the Next Elections
Almost 68 of every 100 respondents said they would vote in the next elections. The
implementation of this intent will depend, in great part, on the quality of electoral platforms
proposed by political parties, their political programs and what alliances they will establish.
Vai votar nas proximas eleicoes ?
Missing
3.3%
Nao sei
22.8%
Nao
6.3%
Sim
67.7%
The percentage of undecided voters, 22.8%, who have not decided whether or not they will
vote, represents a subset of voters that political party platforms can influence when they are
presented to the public in the form of elections campaign.
Comparing voting pattern behaviors in the 1992 elections and the present responses, a proxy
for the behavior of future parliamentary elections show that:
•
•
•
86% of the respondents in this sample who were old enough to vote in 1992 did so;
In mid 2003, 67.7% of the respondents expressed their intent to vote in the next
elections;
The 18.3% difference translates to the anticipated loss in the level of political
participation in the next elections.
The pattern of responses by respondents on whether they will vote in the next elections is
identical in Luanda and in the other provinces. In 1992, in Luanda and the other provinces,
the pattern of responses was the same among all respondents.
Vai votar nas proximas eleicoes ?
Sim
Count
Dominio de
estudo
Total
Luanda
Outras provincias
Nao
Row %
Count
Nao sei
Row %
Count
Row %
955
64.6%
163
11.0%
361
24.4%
1955
72.9%
106
4.0%
620
23.1%
2910
70.0%
269
6.5%
981
23.6%
27
IRI Report
Chapter 7
The following table better illustrates the voting patterns of 1992 (not including respondents
who were not old enough to vote at the time [the percentage of those who lived abroad is
negligible, and is included]) by location of the respondent.
The table below shows the pattern of responses by location of who will vote in the next
elections among respondents and noting there are no substantial differences. These results
show that future response patterns in terms of voting are identical to those of 1992 when the
spatial dimension is taken into account.
Vai votar nas proximas eleicoes ?
Sim
Count
Localizacao
Row %
Count
Nao sei
Row %
Count
Row %
Rural
1115
75.5%
53
3.6%
308
20.9%
Periurbano
1229
65.9%
166
8.9%
470
25.2%
566
69.1%
50
6.1%
203
24.8%
2910
70.0%
269
6.5%
981
23.6%
Urbano
Total
Nao
The following table shows the relation between new and experienced voters, those who voted
and who did not vote in 1992, as to whether they will vote in the next elections. The results
show the following:
•
•
•
New voters are less likely to abstain from voting than experienced voters, a difference
of 13.5%.
Absenteeism among respondents in Luanda could be greater that in the other
provinces. 14% state they will not vote.
The level of undecided voters between new and experienced voters is relatively
greater among new voters. The other provinces have a greater number of undecided
new voters.
Col %
Votou nas eleicoes em 1992
Vai votar nas proximas Sim
Sim
eleicoes ?
Nao
Nao
Dominio de estudo:
Total
Luanda
Outras provincias
70.6
7.8
78.6
2.2
76.0
4.0
Nao sei
21.7
19.2
20.0
Total
Vai votar nas proximas Sim
eleicoes ?
Nao
Nao sei
Total
100
58.6
100
65.1
100
62.5
14.3
27.1
6.4
28.6
9.5
28.0
100
100
100
The table below shows the next elections voting pattern of responses by age groups. The
comparison between the groups which voted in 1992 and those who did not show the
following:
•
In 1992, more votes were cast by respondents 42 years old and older, which at the
time were 31 or older; it was greatest among the 39-48 year olds, followed by the
31-38 year olds and then the 49 or older.
28
IRI Report
Chapter 7
•
Intent to cast a vote in the next elections is greater among respondents who are 5059 years old and that in 1992, when they were 39 to 48 years old, were also the
largest group.
Vai votar nas proximas eleicoes ?
Sim
Count
Grupos
etarios
Total
•
•
•
Total
Nao
Row %
Count
Nao sei
Row %
Count
Row %
Count
Row %
18 - 25
754
66.5%
95
8.4%
285
25.1%
1134
100.0%
26 - 33
716
69.5%
71
6.9%
243
23.6%
1030
100.0%
34 - 41
590
71.1%
55
6.6%
185
22.3%
830
100.0%
42 - 49
413
72.3%
25
4.4%
133
23.3%
571
100.0%
50 - 59
223
76.6%
9
3.1%
59
20.3%
291
100.0%
+ 60 anos
150
69.1%
11
5.1%
56
25.8%
217
100.0%
2846
69.9%
266
6.5%
961
23.6%
4073
100.0%
In 1992, the greatest absenteeism level was among the 26-33 year olds (or the
group who is currently 29 years old or older), because the 18-25 year olds
were too young to vote at the time.
The statement about not voting in the next elections is greater among the
younger and the largest group in the sample, 18 to 25 years olds, 8.4% and
smaller in the 50 to 59 years olds, who represent the group with the highest
intention to vote, and which voted the most in 1992.
Indecisiveness is greater among the 60+ year olds, 25.8% followed by the
younger group, 18 to 25 year olds, 25.1%. The group that is currently saying
they will not vote, were 49 or older at the time and was third in the ranking of
1992 voter participation.
According to levels of formal education, respondents show the same political participation
patterns for next elections as they did in 1992. As to response patterns by self assessed
socioeconomic status, there is a decreasing trend in participation that is inversely proportional
to better social and economic status. As to the next elections, the response patterns point
towards a decrease in participation of the self-proclaimed "very poor" to "improved" groups,
the same groups where there is greater level of indecision.
An attempt was made to determine in what measure did voting in 1992 affect or may impact
the decision to vote in the next elections. Conducting the non-parametric chi-squared test
shows that the decision to participate in the next elections is positively related to the voting in
1992.
Post 1992 Events that May Influence the Decision to Vote
The results of the study show that 61 of every 100 respondents believe there is a factor that
can influence voting results; 29 out of 100 believe elections results can influence voting and
40 out of every 100 believe their vote will be influenced by what they hear and see. The
following table links events of 1992 and future intention to vote in the next elections. The
war factor after the elections continues to reside in the Angolan political imagery as the main
factor for those who will vote and for those who will not vote (a percentage of the responses
account for multiple choice, that is, the respondent could select more than one factor).
29
IRI Report
Chapter 7
Row %
O que aconteceu em 1992 que pode afectar
decisao de voto
A guerra
após as
eleições
Vai votar nas
proximas eleicoes
?
Total
7.3
O resultado
das eleições
Aquilo que
ouvi dos
meus
familiares e
amigos e vi
Sim
63.0%
30.6%
38.3%
Nao
50.6%
30.8%
44.1%
Nao sei
59.0%
21.3%
41.0%
61.3%
28.4%
39.3%
Importance of General and National Elections
The following table shows there is a small percentage of respondents who have heard about
local elections: only about one third of the sample. If we add to this the number who
responded “I don’t know”, the number increases to 64% of respondents who do not know or
did not hear about local elections.
Ouviu falar de eleicoes locais ?
Missing
4.5%
Nao sei
22.2%
Sim
31.4%
Nao
41.9%
The knowledge profile about general elections is characterized as follows:
•
Compared to other provinces, Luanda (38.5%) shows greater awareness levels.
Among the other provinces, Malange (16.6%) registered lower knowledge and there
is also a greater lack of knowledge in Huambo.
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IRI Report
Chapter 7
•
Respondents in urban areas are more educated about local elections. The greatest lack
of information about local elections was seen in rural areas.
Ouviu falar de eleicoes locais ?
Sim
Count
Dominio de
estudo
Count
Nao sei
Row %
Count
Row %
Luanda
568
38.5%
735
49.8%
172
11.7%
Outras provincias
781
29.7%
1068
40.6%
784
29.8%
1349
32.8%
1803
43.9%
956
23.3%
Rural
322
22.3%
616
42.6%
508
35.1%
Periurbano
695
37.6%
852
46.1%
301
16.3%
Urbano
332
40.8%
335
41.2%
147
18.1%
1349
32.8%
1803
43.9%
956
23.3%
Total
Localizacao
Nao
Row %
Total
•
The 34-41 and 42-49 age groups showed greater knowledge. The greatest levels of
knowledge are among younger respondents (18/25 year-olds), followed by the 60+
year olds.
•
Men (37.9%) show more awareness than women (28.1%).
•
The greater the level of formal education, the greater the knowledge about local
elections, as shown on the table below;
Ouviu falar de eleicoes locais ?
Sim
Grupos
etarios
Analfabeto
I nivel
nivel
18 -II25
26 -III33nivel
Medio
34 - 41
Universitario
42 - 49
Total
Total
78
Sim
11.8%
304
Nao
Count 150 Row %21.0% Count 340
28.4%
307 262 26.8%
569464
415
41.8%
362
35.7%
441422
310
211
Nao sei
Ouviu falar
de eleicoes
locais
Row %
Count
Row
% ?
Count
Habilitacoes
Literarias
Nao
336
72
1313
54.6%
38.4%
73.5%
37.7%
32.8%
214
317
209
18
1762
46.0%
Count
Row %
279
Nao sei
42.2%
Row 47.6%
%
Count225
31.5%
Row
%
50.3%
49.7%
197
269
21.3%
23.5%
42.5%
43.5%
155
211
15.6%
20.8%
34.8%
65
39.2%
18.4%
37.4%
44.0%
181
8
139
929
10.6%
22.4%
8.2%
24.9%
23.2%
50 - 59
95
33.5%
119
41.9%
70
24.6%
+ 60 anos
44
21.1%
101
48.3%
64
30.6%
1329
33.1%
1756
43.7%
934
23.2%
•
The self proclaimed "poor" and "very poor" have lesser levels of information about
local elections;
•
The respondents “without religion” followed by the group with “other religions” than
those mentioned in the survey are those with greater levels of information;
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IRI Report
Chapter 7
Ouviu falar de eleicoes locais ?
Sim
Count
Religião
Row %
Count
Nao sei
Row %
Count
Row %
Sem religião
146
38.3%
164
43.0%
71
18.6%
Protestante
349
30.8%
517
45.7%
266
23.5%
Católico
606
32.8%
808
43.7%
434
23.5%
Outra
230
34.1%
281
41.6%
164
24.3%
1331
33.0%
1770
43.9%
935
23.2%
Total
•
Nao
Native Portuguese speakers demonstrate greater knowledge about local elections.
Ouviu falar de eleicoes locais ?
Sim
Count
Auto
definicao
de pobreza
Muito pobre
Nao
Row %
Count
Nao sei
Row %
Count
Row %
91
26.7%
126
37.0%
124
36.4%
Pobre
370
24.1%
731
47.7%
433
28.2%
Remediado
516
38.5%
593
44.2%
233
17.4%
Mais ou menos
341
41.5%
337
41.0%
144
17.5%
27
55.1%
7
14.3%
15
30.6%
1345
32.9%
1794
43.9%
949
23.2%
Rico
Total
Ouviu falar de eleicoes locais ?
Sim
Count
Lingua
materna
Row %
Count
Nao sei
Row %
Count
Row %
Portugues
356
38.2%
441
47.4%
134
14.4%
Kimbundo
314
30.6%
500
48.7%
212
20.7%
Kikongo
130
31.6%
196
47.6%
86
20.9%
22
35.5%
24
38.7%
16
25.8%
Umbundo
350
30.2%
474
40.9%
336
29.0%
Cokwe
125
31.5%
121
30.5%
151
38.0%
17
34.7%
18
36.7%
14
28.6%
18
48.6%
18
48.6%
1
2.7%
1332
32.7%
1792
44.0%
950
23.3%
Nhaneca/Humbe
Ganguela
Outra
Total
Nao
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IRI Report
Chapter 7
7.4
Importance About Local Elections
Half of respondents who have certain knowledge about local elections believe local elections
are as important as national elections. Almost a third believe they are more important. The
graph shows the range of responses to the issue of relative importance of local elections.
Comparativamente as eleicoes nacionais
as eleicoes locais sao:
Missing
.3%
Nao sei
6.5%
Nao sao necessarias
1.5%
Menos importantes
Mais importantes
10.7%
28.8%
Tao importantes
52.1%
Close to 70 of every 100 subjects in the sample said they preferred voting in legislative
elections. This trend seems to hold true because even among those who have certain
knowledge about local elections, slightly over half (53%) prefer to vote in legislative
elections, as depicted in the following table:
Row %
Importancia do tipo de
eleicoes
Dominio de
estudo
Prefiro votar
nas eleicoes
locais
Prefiro votar
nas eleicoes
legislativas
Luanda
45.6%
54.4%
Outras provincias
47.7%
52.3%
Total
Localizacao
Total
46.8%
53.2%
Rural
50.2%
49.8%
Periurbano
45.8%
54.2%
Urbano
45.8%
54.2%
46.8%
53.2%
The following table shows the preference among respondents who had not heard about local
elections. Compared to the data in the previous graph, the number of those who prefer
legislative elections is much higher, 78%.
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IRI Report
Chapter 7
Row %
Importancia do tipo de
eleicoes
Prefiro votar
nas eleicoes
locais
Dominio de
estudo
Luanda
17.8%
82.2%
Outras provincias
24.2%
75.8%
22.0%
78.0%
Rural
21.0%
79.0%
Periurbano
19.2%
80.8%
Urbano
31.2%
68.8%
22.0%
78.0%
Total
Localizacao
Prefiro votar
nas eleicoes
legislativas
Total
The comparison between both tables shows a 25% difference between both groups of
respondents (with or without knowledge about local elections) which may help to explain the
direct relation between that knowledge and the relative preference for voting in local or
legislative elections.
7.5
Likelihood of Accepting Political Appointments and Knowledge of Elections
The relation between knowledge about local elections and the likelihood of accepting a
political appointment is analyzed according to the patterns of response among respondents
“with” or “without” knowledge about local elections, as per the following tables.
Response Patterns by Respondents with Information About Local Elections:
Row %
Se fosse convidado aceitaria ser candidato
a um cargo político?
Sim
Dominio de
estudo
Total
Não sei
Luanda
22.7%
59.1%
18.1%
Outras provincias
22.7%
45.3%
32.0%
Total
Localizacao
Não
22.7%
49.9%
27.3%
Rural
23.2%
44.5%
32.3%
Periurbano
21.9%
53.8%
24.2%
Urbano
23.7%
52.6%
23.7%
22.7%
49.9%
27.3%
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IRI Report
Chapter 7
Response Patterns by Respondents with Information About Local Elections:
Row %
Se fosse convidado aceitaria ser candidato
a um cargo político?
Sim
Dominio de
estudo
Não sei
40.9%
43.2%
16.0%
Outras provincias
42.6%
37.9%
19.6%
41.9%
40.1%
18.0%
Rural
45.3%
34.6%
20.1%
Periurbano
40.5%
41.0%
18.5%
Urbano
41.4%
43.4%
15.2%
41.9%
40.1%
18.0%
Total
Localizacao
Não
Luanda
Total
Comparing the data of both tables we can conclude there is a greater likelihood to accept a
political appointment amongst those who have certain knowledge about local elections.
Conditionalities to Holding the Next Elections
The respondents who prefer local elections condition the holding of the next elections to the
following factors (in decreasing order of importance):
•
•
•
•
•
End of the demobilizing process (80.4%);
Return of most of the displaced to their places of origin (79.6%);
Time necessary to conduct voter registration (77.0%);
Reorganizing political parties (74.3%);
Political will to set a date (57.2%).
Row %
Razoes para realizacao das proximas eleicoes
Dominio de
estudo
Vontade
politica de
marcar uma
data
Tempo
necessario
para
realizacao
do registo
eleitoral
Retorno da
maioria dos
deslocados
as suas areas
Fim do
processo de
desmobilizac
ao
Reorganiza
cao dos
partidos
politicos
Luanda
57.9%
77.2%
83.8%
83.8%
85.2%
Outras provincias
56.8%
76.8%
77.5%
78.7%
68.6%
57.2%
77.0%
79.6%
80.4%
74.3%
Rural
60.1%
83.1%
81.8%
84.7%
72.4%
Periurbano
51.8%
73.3%
78.3%
80.6%
78.5%
Urbano
62.9%
75.5%
78.9%
74.5%
69.0%
57.2%
77.0%
79.6%
80.4%
74.3%
Total
Localizacao
Total
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IRI Report
Chapter 7
Sequence in Holding the Elections
Analyzing the 4,027 responses about voter preference on the sequence of the elections
calendar for general, national and local elections shows that 70.9% believe local elections
should be held before general or national elections for the legislative or executive branch.
Also, in this regard, the greatest numbers belong to the rural populations, followed by the
suburban and then urban.
Row %
Sequencias das eleicoes locais
Dominio de
estudo
Antes que as
legislativas e
presidenciais
Depois das
legislativas e
presidenciais
Luanda
73.2%
26.8%
Outras provincias
69.7%
30.3%
70.9%
29.1%
Rural
72.2%
27.8%
Periurbano
71.0%
29.0%
Urbano
69.1%
30.9%
70.9%
29.1%
Total
Localizacao
Total
7.6
Active Political Participation and Party Affiliation
The questions in the previous module relate to what can be called “passive political
participation”, that is, the political participation of voters limited to their going to the polls
and exercising their right to vote. In the specific case of Angola, this right was limited to a
single event, voting in the 1992 elections. Now there is a new indicator: the intent to vote in
the next elections.
The magnitude between passive and active participation in Angola can be found in the
comparisons between:
•
•
•
70% of respondents who say they will vote in the next elections and the 35.4% who
say are members of a political party (militants and sympathizers).
26.5% of those who identify as members of a political party say they are available to
work in the elections, namely, for the electoral campaigns.
70% of respondents who say they will vote in the next elections and those who would
accept a political appointments (29.3%), if asked.
This module analyzes willingness for "active political participation” by combining voting to
the willingness to: (a) be a member of a party; (b) while a party member, be available to work
for the elections and for the electoral campaigns; and, (c) accept political appointments.
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IRI Report
Chapter 7
7.6.1
Party Affiliation Status – Identifiable Profiles
The responses regarding political affiliation draw the profiles of the different categories of
party members: current or previous sympathizers and militants, and respondents who say they
have no party affiliation.
Thirty four of every 100 say they have political affiliations; one fifth had some kind of
political affiliation in the past. Most, 60 of every 100, do not have political affiliations.
Filiacao politica
Other
7.2%
Simpatizante
18.2%
Militante
16.2%
Nenhuma ligacao poli
53.0%
Antigo militante
5.5%
The following profiles of political affiliation can be drawn from these responses:
Besides the identical probability of sympathizers being male or female (slight male
dominance, 51.6%), the sympathizer’s profile indicates a greater probability of being:
-
Predominantly adult, between 26-33 years old (26.8%) or 34-41 (22.7%)
Poor (38.5%) or improved (32.5%)
Having as a native language Kimbundu (32.8%), Umbundu (27,3%) and Portuguese
(23%)
Catholic (54%)
With Level III (25.6%) or Level II (23.6%) of formal schooling
Located in the suburbs (40.6%)
From Luanda (32.4%) or Malange (20.9%).
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IRI Report
Chapter 7
The militant’s profile indicates greater probability of being:
-
Mainly men (66%)
Predominantly adult between 34-41 years old (26.7%), 42-49 years old (22.2%) or 2633 years old (21.5%)
Poor (40,8%) or Improved (31,3%)
Having as a native language Umbundu (28%), Chokwe (20.5%) or Kimbundu
(19.6%)
Catholic (46,3%)
With Level III (23%) and Level II (21.2%) of formal schooling
Located in rural environments (48.2%)
From Lunda-Sul (22.4%) or Luanda (18.7%).
The profile of former members of political parties, sympathizers or militants indicates
greater probability of being:
-
Mainly men (close to 60.7%)
Predominantly adult, between 34-41 years old (26.7%), 42-49 years old (22.2%) or
26-33 years old (21.5%)
Poor (38.5%) or Improved (32.5%)
Having as a native language Umbundu (31.7%) or Kimbundu (31.5%)
Catholic (45,3%)
Level III (24%) or Middle (28.8) of formal schooling
Located in the suburbs (44,3%)
From Luanda (43.4%) or Huambi (14%).
The profile of respondents who say “have no political ties” reaches 54.6% and is as
follows:
-
Mainly female (close to 56%)
Predominantly young, between 18 and 25 years old (38%)
Poor, improved or “more or less” (close to 90%)
Having as native languages Umbundu, Kimbundo or Portuguese (close to 78%)
Catholic (43%)
Have Level I, II, or III formal education (67%)
Located in the suburbs (50.3%)
From Luanda or Benguela (54.8%).
7.6.2 The Profile of the Respondents who, as Members of a Party, Sympathizers or
Militants are Available to Work for the Elections
Affiliation with a political party relates to the availability of participating in political
activism, since 64.3% of the ones who are “members” of a political party (35.4% of the total
sample) say they are available to do political work, and 15.4% said they were not available to
work as political activists.
These answers point to having a grassroots mobilization potential to disseminate the party
platform for the elections, such as slogans, campaigns, proposals, voter programs, etc.,
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IRI Report
Chapter 7
recruiting other members to their party, preparing the parties for the elections and with other
activities related to partisan work.
The profile of potential volunteers to work for the next elections indicates a greater
probability that they:
-
7.7
Are male (69.5%);
Have formal education level at middle (77.8%) or III (70.7%) or II (64.9%);
are young (in decreasing order): 18-25 years old (43%), 26-33 years old (42%), 34 to
41 years old (33%);
“improved” (73%), “poor” (70.8%) and “more or less” (68.6%);
Catholic (66.4%) or Protestants (66.3%);
Located in the suburbs (67,4%)
From Uíge (79.1%) or Huíla (76.2%),
Having Nhaneca-Humbe (83.3%), Chokwe (70,1%) or Portuguese (66.4%) as a native
language.
Profile of Candidates to Political Positions
Analyzing the responses to: “If you were invited, would you accept a political appointment?”
reveals that:
1º. Of the 4,300 valid responses, 1,120 represent 26%, that is one in every five, would accept
a political appointment, if asked.
2º. The profile of potential candidates to political positions indicates a greater probability that
they:
- are male (60%);
- have formal education level at III (28.8%) or II (23.04%);
- are young (in decreasing order): 18-25 years old (43%), 26-33 years old (42%), 34 to
41 years old (33%);
- “improved” (73%), “poor” (70.8%) or “more or less” (68.6%)
- Catholic (66.4%) or Protestants (66.3%);
- Located in Luanda (36.60%) or Lunda-Sul (34.29%),
- Having Umbundu (28.4%) or Kimbundu (25.07%) as a native language.
There are variables that do not discriminate, by native language, age, religion, that is, they do
not show any positive relationship with the variable of the candidate to a political position.
On the other hand, the variables of “domain of the study”, “location” (urban, rural or
suburban), “gender”, “self assessment of poverty”, “formal education level”, show an
acceptable positive relation as measured by the Kendall's tau and Spearman's tests.
Correlation tests between “political affiliation status” and components of “likelihood” for a
more active political participation show that being a member of a party increases the
probability of someone being willing and available to work in the elections. In truth, there is a
negative correlation that shows that the lesser the relationship with a political party, non
militant or sympathizer, the greater the probability of not working for the elections. That
relation does not circumscribe to being a party member. On the other hand, affiliation to a
39
IRI Report
Chapter 7
political party positively influences the decision to vote in the next elections; party affiliation
increases the probability of accepting the candidacy to a political position.
7.7.1
Motives for Partisan Affiliation
According to 34.5% of members, militants or sympathizers of a political party, the main
reasons for choosing a political party are (in decreasing order): (a) ideas and proposals
presented; (b) leaders; (c) advantages of being a political party member; (d) the party with the
greatest power in the region; (e) family and friends’ influence; (f) most of the party leaders
are from the region of the respondent; and, (g) political pressure.
Cases
Motivos
de escolha
de Partido
Politico
Layer
Response %
Ideias e propostas
1634
89.5%
Lideres
1015
55.6%
Partido com mais poder na
regiao
803
44.0%
Vantagens de membro
820
44.9%
Pressao politica
294
16.1%
Familia e amigos pertenciam
711
39.0%
Maioria dos lideres sao da
minha regiao
387
21.2%
Outros motivos
152
8.3%
These responses seem to point to a predominance of ideological motivation, materialized by
the option “ideas and proposals”, about the instrumental/utilitarian motives for the selection
motivated by the advantages of being a member of a specific party. The influence of
“leadership" is also important, the capacity for mobilization as personified by the leader. The
importance of cultural, ethnical and local proximity is represented by the option for the “party
with the most power in the region.”
According to those who were “already militants or sympathizers” (former members) of
political parties, the main reasons that lead them to choosing a political party were
proportionally identical to those who are currently militant or sympathizers. The patterns of
response of both groups is and were of ideological, charismatic, regional/local and
instrumental influence. The influence of the family is placed more or less at the same level of
the influence of the advantages of being a member. Political pressure, currently occupies and
will occupy the motivations that determine political affiliation in this survey.
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Chapter 7
Cases
Razoes de
nao
participacao
politica
Total
Layer
Response %
Nunca fui convidado
695
31.3%
Não quero/não me
interesso por política
1049
47.3%
Não confio em nenhum
dos partidos políticos
287
12.9%
Outras razões
442
19.9%
2219
111.4%
The main reasons given by 54.6% of those who say “have no political ties” for not having
affiliation them are the following: (a) 47.3% because they are not interested in politics; (b)
31.3% were never invited to; (c)12.9% do not trust any political party; and, (d) 19.9% give
other motives.
7.7
Individual Characteristics of the Respondent and Motivations for Choosing a Party
The goal of this analysis is to identify if there is a correlation between respondent’s personal
and his motives for choosing a party.
1. Correlations between the main reason for selecting a political party – ideas by a given
party and personal characteristics of each person (such as gender, age, socioeconomic class,
education levels, mother tongue, and religion) are not significant. This means the ideas and
proposals are given weight regardless of differences among respondents.
2. The correlations between the number two reason for selecting a political party – the
charismatic influence of the leader, and the above mentioned personal characteristics of the
respondents, are significant to “position” the respondents in rural, suburban or urban areas.
The link to the political leadership or the tendency to value the political leadership as a
criteria for choosing party affiliation is influenced by the location where the subject lives.
3. Correlations between the third reason given for selecting a political party – the advantages
of being a member, and the personal characteristics of each respondent indicate significant
correlation at the level of 0.05 for the variables for gender and age, and 0.01 for the variable
“province”. The instrumental perspective of valuing the advantages of party affiliation seems
to be influenced by gender and age of respondent, that is men and women, older or younger,
will make different decisions based on perceptions related to gender and age.
4. Correlation between political participation – understood in the passive perspective of the
“voter who decided to vote in the next elections” – and personal characteristics are significant
to the 0.01 level for the variables of gender and location. In this case men and women will
make decisions that differ due to this characteristic, and also due to where they reside.
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IRI Report
Chapter 8
CHAPTER 8. LEVEL OF EXPECTATIONS / PERCEPTIONS OF ELECTIONS AND
POLITICAL MOBILITY
This chapter addresses expectations and perceptions of past and future elections and of
political mobility. It is structured around: attitudes towards the elections, political mobility
and comparative expectations of value and fairness of the next elections.
8.1
Attitude Towards Legislative and Presidential Elections
Looking back, the data shows there were three strengths that captured the attitudes of
respondents before the first legislative and presidential elections in the country (1992).
•
•
•
Fear and uncertainty of the post-election period, which unfortunately would
confirm the restart of the armed conflict since 61 of every 100 responses registered
some individual form of fear and anxiety;
Importance of exercising the right to vote, since the first elections in the country as
manifested by 72 of every 100 responses;
The need for change (social crisis) as expressed by 68 of every 100 responses. The
feeling of aggregate change was present in 62 of every 100 responses since a
minority, 6.6% of responses point towards uncertainty about any change occurring;
Atitude perante eleicoes 1992
Importante votar pela primeira vez na
vida
Importante para mudar as coisas
Incerteza apos as eleicoes
Nao acreditava no que se estava a
passar
Estava com medo
Desconfiava que algo corresse mal
Eleicoes nao iam mudar nada
0.0
72.1
68.2
21.8
10.6
9.1
8.8
6.6
20.0
40.0
60.0
80.0
( %)
Perceptions of future elections are focused on two main vectors:
• The need for change (social crisis) expressed by the usefulness of elections for all,
64 of every 100 responses, and the elections as a mechanism for social change, 54 of
every 100 responses;
• The exercise of the right to vote, expressed in 30 of every 100 responses.
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IRI Report
Chapter 8
Attitudes Regarding Future Elections
Eleicoes necessarias para todos
Podem servir para melhorar as
coisas
Quero usar o meu direito de votar
Medo de repeticao do que se
passou em 1992
Duvidas se algo vai mudar
Desconfianca de possivel manobra
Nada vai mudar
0.0
10.0 20.0 30.0 40.0 50.0 60.0
70.0
(%)
The inference is that since the last elections there has been a change in attitude about the role
of elections in public life. This is illustrated in the table below summarizing the evolution of
some attitudes compared to what the respondents think of the 1992 elections.
Evolucao das atitudes sobre as eleicoes (1992 futuras) (1992=base)
Importancia do exercicio de voto
Importante para mudanca
Incerteza apos eleicoes/sindroma 1992
Incerteza sob melhorias de governacao
-50.0 -40.0 -30.0 -20.0 -10.0 0.0
10.0
( %)
Therefore, there is currently less expectation of the importance of the individual right to vote,
a negative differential of 42% of responses. In other words, voting is not as important a
personal experience as the election was in 1992. This does not negate that in general, 64 of
every 100 responses do not see the elections as important for all citizens.
When elections are seen as a mechanism for social change, then less than 14 out of every 100
respondents believe elections can produce social change. It can be said that there is greater
discredit or less trust in this institutional mechanism. This feeling is also manifest with the
increase of uncertainty of improvements made by the government, an increase in 2.4% of the
responses.
Finally, on a positive note, respondents believe there is greater uncertainty and fear about the
possibility of a post-1992-elections syndrome, since less that 11% of responses failed to
express fear and uncertainty. This may be seen as a greater feeling of political normalcy
prevailing in the country.
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The following graph shows the evolution of several attitudes in the two election periods, in
percentages.
Atitudes comparadas perantes eleicoes (1992 e
futuras)
Importancia do
exercicio de voto
Importante para
mudanca
Incerteza apos
eleicoes/sindroma
1992
Incerteza sob
melhorias de
governacao
0.0
1992
Futuras eleicoes
20.0
40.0
60.0
80.0
( %)
8.2
Political Mobility
Political mobility is the propensity to change political support or link to an association or
political party. This study’s intent was to show to what degree the participants in the survey
remain true to the same political party they voted for in 1992. At the same time, there will be
an attempt made to identify sub-groups which have less propensity towards political mobility,
and factors that motivated that attitude (for example, the nature of the attitudes before the
next elections).
The analysis of political mobility began with the following question: Will you vote for the
same political party for which that you voted in 1992 (only for 1992 voters)?
The following graph represents the responses of the 2,280 respondents who voted in 1992 to
the previous question.
The first reading is that slightly over half of the respondents, 53 of every 100, will vote for
the same political party as they did in 1992. We anticipate from the onset, there is the
likelihood4 that the political parties voted for in 1992 have a guaranteed reserve of half the
experienced voters of 1992.
And yet the number of undecided among experienced voters is quite high, 38 in every 100
respondents. This shows us there is some correlation with elevated political uncertainty and
disappointment and their vote. This can show a high level of disappointment in the political
parties for which they voted in 1992. It can also be said that this uncertainty may translate
into absenteeism during the experience for the elections between new and old voters. On the
other hand, almost 10 of every 100 participants said they will not vote for the same political
party, indicating a real break with the party.
4
Not knowing for what party the voter cast his or her vote in 1992, one cannot affirm which party lost the most, in terms of political
mobility.
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Many readings are possible on the impact of political mobility to other political parties.
Political mobility is evidently quite high since only just over half of the 1992 voters remain
loyal to the party they voted for in 1992. However, the levels of breaking with the party as
measured by “not voting” for the same party are still within acceptable political levels, since
only 10% of the voters say they will not vote for the same party. The great challenge for
political parties is in how to approach “one third” of the voters who are still undecided about
how they will vote in future elections. The capacity of political parties in recruiting or
recovering undecided voters may determine the results of future elections.
Voto no mesmo partido politico que em 1992?
Nao sei
37.5%
Sim
53.6%
Nao
8.9%
In what measure did the spatial distribution of respondents impact the level of social
mobility? The table below shows the following:
•
In terms of the domain of the survey, Luanda represents greater political mobility than
the other provinces in the study. In other words, Luanda shows the largest number of
respondents who affirm they will not vote for the same political party.
•
Rural respondents are more loyal in terms of political vote. Suburban respondents
make up the most undecided group, 44 to 100 undecided respondents. Urban
respondents are twice as likely not to vote for the same political party.
•
The provinces of Huíla and Malange show less political mobility and Luanda and
Benguela show greater mobility. Benguela has 52 of each 100 undecided voters, it is
the province with greater political mobility.
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Row %
Voto no mesmo partido politico que em
1992?
Sim
Nao
Nao sei
Dominio de
estudo
Luanda
43.9%
13.0%
43.2%
Outras provincias
58.1%
7.0%
34.9%
Localizacao
Rural
61.5%
6.4%
32.1%
Periurbano
46.3%
9.9%
43.8%
Urbano
52.9%
12.0%
35.1%
Huambo
54.8%
8.7%
36.5%
Benguela
38.9%
8.6%
52.5%
Malange
64.8%
3.7%
31.5%
Uige
62.4%
9.4%
28.2%
Lunda Sul
51.8%
10.5%
37.7%
Huila
71.1%
3.2%
25.7%
Luanda
43.9%
13.0%
43.2%
53.6%
8.9%
37.5%
Provincia
Total
Could it be that the demographic and cultural characteristics of respondents affect their
perceptions in terms of political mobility? The analysis of the responses of 2,243 respondents
shows there are no differences by gender; the 50-59 age group is the most loyal to the
political party whereas the younger age groups represent a greater level of political rupture
(11%); no differences in terms of languages were registered; and respondents without religion
or other religions show large political mobility but they do not have great specific weight in
the sample. Catholics and Protestants have the same patterns of political mobility.
In terms of economic status perceived there are no differences among the sub-sets of
respondents in terms of political mobility. In terms of formal education, the greater the formal
education levels the greater the political mobility. As to occupation, the unemployed,
informal wage earners, self employed or private company employees and homemakers
represent the highest level of rupture with voting. There is political mobility among the
military5, and 39% of civil servants are undecided.
Could it be that access to information has influence over the levels of political mobility? The
respondents, in a sample of 1,353, who read the newspaper, watch TV and listen to the radio
every day represent the greatest number of refusal to vote for the same political party (12 to
13%). At the same time, the levels of voting indecision are not significant among them,
which assumes a positive correlation between permanent access to influx of information and
low level of indecision.
The attitudes of respondents before the next elections and voting for the same political party
as in 1992 were intersected as shown in the table above. The analysis of 2,252 responses
shows that respondents were able to select more than one attitude. The greatest levels of
political mobility can be found among those who believe the elections are necessary for all
and serve to improve the present situation of those who intend to use their right to vote.
5
Includes police officers.
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Layer Response %
Voto no mesmo partido politico que em
1992?
Sim
Atitude
perante
novas
eleicoes
Total
Nao
Nao sei
Total
Eleicoes necessarias para
todos
38.7%
4.8%
24.5%
68.0%
Podem servir para
melhorar as coisas
31.7%
4.1%
19.4%
55.3%
Nada vai mudar
2.0%
1.2%
2.4%
5.6%
Duvidas se algo vai mudar
4.0%
1.4%
4.0%
9.4%
Medo de repeticao do que
se passou em 1992
6.1%
1.1%
4.0%
11.2%
Desconfianca de possivel
manobra
2.4%
.7%
2.1%
5.2%
Quero usar o meu direito
de votar
19.0%
1.9%
10.3%
31.1%
103.9%
15.1%
66.8%
185.8%
The analysis of the attitudes for the next elections per domain of the study shows that
respondents in Luanda are more skeptical that the elections will improve the country’s
situation – less than 15% of their counterparts in other provinces. By spatial location, urban,
suburban and rural, gender, religion, there are no significant differences. The poorer the
individual, the greater the perception that elections may improve things. In contrast, it is
among the poorer that there is greater belief that nothing will change with the elections. In
relation to other sub-groups, the very poor and poor have a more negative perception of the
fear of repeating the electoral syndrome of 1992. The same feeling can be found among the
people who are illiterate. Likewise, it is among peasants, bosses and homemakers that we
find the greatest fear of repeating the electoral syndrome of 1992.
8.3
Comparative Expectations about Validity and Fairness of Future Elections
This section attempts to discover the perceptions of trust that respondents placed on the
electoral system. There were several variations among the different sub-groups comparing
beliefs of those who voted in 1992 (e.g., freer and fairer than in 1992, less free and faire than
in 1992, or the same as in 1992) to the current beliefs about the future elections.
Analyzing the perception of confidence in future elections shows that 8 in 10 respondents
believe future elections will be freer and fairer than the 1992 elections (4,032 responses).
There is no differences between those who voted in 1992 and those who did not.
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Percepcao sobre justeza das novas eleicoes
Missing
6.2%
Iguais as de 1992
9.2%
Menos justas e livre
5.2%
Mais justas e livres
79.4%
The same is true per domain of study; between Luanda and other provinces, geographic
location, provinces, gender, education levels, occupation category, native language, self
assessment of poverty and age group, there are no differences of perception. The only
anomaly is the 60 plus age group (12%) and the speakers of Cokwe language (14%) who
believe the next elections will be less fair or free than those of 1992.
The respondents were asked to identify what could impact the holding of future elections and,
in a certain measure, could influence the quality of the elections. The respondents were given
multiple choices, that is, they could select more than one motive. A total of 3,940 responses
and their distribution appears next: eight in each ten responses identified the return of most of
the displaced to their areas and the end of the demobilization process as the most important
factors. The factor that was selected the least was political will to set a date. The composition
of the responses point towards a more utilitarian and logistic approach than a ideological
approach. Among the respondents there seems to be a careful concern for preparing the
conditions before the date of the elections is set. In other words, there is a concern among
respondents in that they want the elections to be held in an environment of stability.
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Factores condicionantes da realizacao das novas
eleicoes
Retorno da maioria dos deslocados as
suas areas
80.4
Fim do processo de desmobilizacao
Tempo necessario para realizacao do
registo eleitoral
80.0
76.0
72.3
Reorganizacao dos partidos politicos
Vontade politica de marcar uma data
0.0
58.0
20.0
40.0
60.0
80.0
100.0
(%)
The analysis per domain of study shows that respondents in Luanda attribute greater
importance to the reorganization of political parties than their counterparts in the provinces (a
difference of 21%). There were no difference of opinion found in terms of gender or age. The
respondents who self assess as very poor give much more value than other groups to the
timing for voter registration and political will to set a date for the elections. Differentials of
14% and 24% respectively were recorded in relation to the group of voters who self assess as
not poor (more or less).
8.4
Deepened Democratization Process and Fair and Free Elections
The measure in which the upcoming elections can deepen the democratization process is
intrinsically related to public acceptance of election results, which in turn, depends on the
electoral process. In this regard, the respondents were asked what would help them to be
more accepting of the next elections as free and fair. The following 3,951 responses show
that:
(a) Eighty seven of every 100 responses indicate that no citizen old enough to vote be
prevented from registering to vote and no registered voter be prevented from voting. Both
responses qualify and value the exercise of the right to vote in both slopes of the electoral
process: registering to vote and casting the vote itself. Both concerns can suffer with logistic
issues regarding the electoral process.
(b) Seventy seven of every 100 responses said the possibility of political parties having
access to polling sessions or voting, and the presence of a President of a competent and nonpartisan electoral college, 78 of every 100 responses. These two concerns place the
responsibility of supervising the electoral process in political parties and the president of the
electoral college so that they are effective and independent (non-partisan).
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Aceitacao das novas eleicoes como livres e justas
Nenhum cidadao com cartao de eleitor
seja impedido de votar
Nenhum cidadao com idade de votar
seja impedido de registar-se como
Presidente de Comissao eleitoral
competente e apartidario
Partidos com acesso as assembleias
de voto e contagem dos votos
Presenca de Observadores
Internacionais nas eleicoes
Presenca das Nacoes Unidas durante
as eleicoes
0
20
40
60
80
100
( %)
(c) Finally, a third line of concern is international observers and the United Nations, 66 of 58
responses in every 100, respectively. The fact that the United Nations receives less preference
may be linked to their role in the 1992 elections.
The analysis per domain of the study shows that respondents from Luanda give more value to
the presence of observers and to the United Nations, compared to their counterparts from the
other provinces. The analysis per location, rural, urban and suburban display rural
respondents show the least interest in the presence of the United Nations, 54 in every 100
responses; less interest in the presence of international observers compared to respondents in
the urban areas, a differential of 11% of responses. The analysis per group according to age,
gender, religion, native language and self proclaimed poverty status show similar trends.
Diferencial de respostas sobre justeza das
eleicoes (Luanda = base)
Presenca de Observadores
Internacionais nas eleicoes
Presenca das Nacoes Unidas durante
as eleicoes
Presidente de Comissao eleitoral
competente e apartidario
Partidos com acesso as assembleias
de voto e contagem dos votos
Nenhum cidadao com idade de votar
seja impedido de registar-se como
Nenhum cidadao com cartao de eleitor
seja impedido de votar
0
5
10
15
20
( %)
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CHAPTER 9. PERCEPTION ON POLITICAL ACTORS AND TRUST ON
INSTITUTIONS
This chapter presents citizens’ perceptions regarding institutions, and especially political
parties. The analysis of political parties deals with issues related to their work, instruments,
credibility, representation and freedom of political thought. It studies the trust placed in
political thought to identify perceptions around which the social image of the political system
is constructed in general, and of the political parties in particular. The analysis of the other
institutions compares the degree of trust invested by citizens and the electoral potential of the
institutions. An effort to categorize the institutions was made to understand under which
social functions there is a more or less negative image among respondents, whether defense
of law and order, social intermediation of community interests and of socio-professional
groups, access and promoting information as a public asset, access and provisions of justice,
religious and spiritual intermediation and humanitarian support.
9.1
Perceptions Held by Citizens Concerning Political Parties
The political parties are institutions that have the social role to voice citizen demands,
demands of citizen groups, and to organize responses to the proposals they receive for
political programs. These in turn are what constitute the articulation of alliances and coalition
among peers, and dialogue and agreements with the electoral basis. That is why it is
important to identify, for future voters, guidelines for recognizing social functions and how
they are characterized.
The survey presented several questions (see graph below) to elicit the respondent’s belief
regarding the social role of political parties. The results show that:
•
potential voters have a very critical view of political parties. In simulated situations
presented in the questions, at least 50 of every 100 responses give negative marks to
partisan practices and to the impact on the institutions. Specifically:
o the close relation between “some” political party public officers and how
badly the institutions function, as told in 2,525 responses, that is 62 of every
100 respondents;
o 2,997 responses or 75 of each 100, believes political parties become centers
which advocate for the interests of small groups;
o half of the responses (2,017) say that in order to have a good job/position in an
organization, participation in a political party is a must. That is, party
affiliation is understood in an instrumental manner, and the political parties are
channels for preferential treatment or “apadrinhamento” to get a job or a
promotion for their affiliates.
•
The fact that 62% of the responses combine the poor service record of public
institutions – civil servant’s vehicle for political parties - and the fact that half of the
respondents believe that getting a good job in an organization is related to militancy in
a political party, suggest that other factors, aside from competence, influence
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promotions in pubic offices and other organizations. This has a negative impact on the
performance of institutions and organizations. On the other hand, 4 of every 5
responses say that political parties have become centers that advocate for the interests
of small groups, which means they believe there is a strong influence from small
groups voiced by the political parties, to the detriment of the larger groups.
•
The responses reveal the disenchantment of voters relative to the system of political
representation: 3,099 of the responses, that is close to 4 of 5 responses say they cannot
identify their political leaders, the congressmen who represent their area, province or
municipality, “because they never show up to listen to their concerns”. This reveals
that most candidates elected in the first general elections of 1992 did not establish nor
maintain any consultation or dialogue channels with their respective electoral basis.
This denotes lack of formal mechanisms to oversee the main problems of voters and
the solutions that they would most like to see implemented as a response to those
problems. The political parties thus are seen as unable to voice the interests of the
larger group of citizens or to include them in the Angolan political agenda.
•
If we combine the responses above, the 4 out of 5 which mention the transformation
of political parties into advocating centers for small groups and an identical
proportion speak of the weak connection with political leaders, congressmen,
responsible for representing their area, municipality or province, we can infer that
there is the belief of weak representation among political parties.
•
Close to 60 of every 100 (2,317) openly oppose corruption by saying they will not
vote for their party if they find out that any of their leaders are corrupt while at the
same time 25.6% are undecided as to what path to follow. The response pattern shows
that many potential voters would prefer greater transparency in public administration.
•
Finally, from a sample of 1,961 responses, all from party members, 1,134 (58% of the
total of valid responses and 46% of the total responses) defend freedom of speech in
political parties. It is significant, and yet 42.2% of the responses say they do not
believe there is freedom of political thought. Going back to the social role of political
parties – to articulate the responses to the demands of the population - the lack of
discussion at the center beyond saying there are few opportunities for innovation and
creativity, may even mean they are opposed to including new ideas and interests
confirming the belief of 4 out of 5 responses. These respondents say that parties
organize around the interests of small groups and use their influence and power to
make them prevail, namely through placing militants in their staffing of institutions
and organizations.
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Percepcao dos Cidadaos em Relacao as Instituicoes
Alguns funcionarios publicos estao muito ligados aos partidos
politicos. Por isso muita coisa nao funciona.
Muitos partidos politicos foram transformados em centros de
interesse de meia duzia de pessoas que estao a desviar daquilo
para o qual eles foram criados
Hoje para se ter um bom emprego/cargo numa organizacao tem de
se pertencer a um partido politico
E muito dificil saber quem sao os dirigentes politicos/deputados
que sao responsaveis pela minha area/provincia/municipio, pois
nunca aparecem para ouvir as nossa preocupacoes
Nao manteria o seu voto no partido da sua escolha se soubesse que
alguns dos seus membros dirigentes sao corruptos.
Nos partidos politicos a pessoa e livre de dizer tudo aquilo que
pensa
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
80
90
The results of the analysis show that subjects in Luanda are more susceptible to: making
political instruments out of public employees and impact on the performance of the
institutions; transforming political parties into political action groups; distancing political
representatives from their grassroots base of social support and partisan corruption. Finally,
the people from Luanda have a more positive perception about freedom of political thought
within political parties.
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Percepção do cidadão sobre os partidos políticos por domínio de estudo
Col %
Dominio de estudo:
Outras
Luanda
provincias
Total
Alguns funcionแrios públicos estão muito
ligados aos partidos políticos e por isso
muitas coisas não funcionam
Sim
Não
68.3
31.7
58.9
41.1
62.4
37.6
Hoje para se ter um bom emprego/cargo
numa organização tem de se pertencer a um
partido político
Sim
49.2
50.1
49.8
Não
50.8
49.9
50.2
Diferenc
ial
(Luanda
=base)
9.5
-0.9
Muitos partidos polํticos foram transformados
em centros de interesse de meia dúzia de
Sim
pessoas que se estão a desviar daquilo para o
qual eles foram criados
81.6
71.5
75.2
Não
18.4
28.5
24.8
È muito difícil saber quem são os dirigentes
Sim
políticos/deputados que são responsแveis
Não
pela minha provínica/munícipio pois nunca
aparecem para ouvir as nossas preocupações
84.7
15.3
71.4
28.6
76.2
23.8
13.4
Nos partidos políticos a pessoa é livre de
dizer tudo aquilo que pensa
Sim
72.1
54.4
57.8
17.7
Não
Manteria o seu voto no partido da sua escolha Sim
sabendo que alguns dos seus membros
Não
dirigentes são corruptos?
Não sabe
27.9
13.8
71.1
15.1
45.6
15.2
53.6
31.2
42.2
14.7
59.7
25.6
10.2
17.4
The response profile from political party members is identical to the general perception by
respondents. The exception would be on the issue of corruption. Militant respondents show
greater complacency towards corruption by party leaders and they would not take their vote
from them, as shown by 30 out of every 100 responses in Luanda, and by 23 out of 100
responses from other provinces.
The analysis by spatial location, urban, suburban or rural, of the respondent shows there are
perception differences among urban respondents.
(a) More than 17% of urban respondents believe that political parties have become
advocating centers; (b) more than 12% of urban respondents believe there is distancing from
the political leaders who are responsible for supporting their social areas; there are more than
14% of rural respondents with a more favorable perception of the freedom of political
thought within political parties; and (c) more than 10% of urban respondents would not vote
for their political party if there is corruption. At the same time, the differences among urban
and suburban respondents are not significant except on the issue of party loyalty and
corruption by political leaders. Among suburban respondents there is a greater proportion of
political followers who are loyal to their party, 31% respondents against 20% and 22% of
urban and rural respondents respectively.
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Among speakers of Cokwe there is a larger number of respondents who believe that to have
good employment, there must be political affiliation, 61% compared to speakers of Kikongo
whose percentage is lower, 45%. The average perception on this issue was 50%.
In terms of religious beliefs there are no differences in perception. In terms of self assessment
of poverty it is among the very poor that we find greater differences about access to good
employment and political affiliation, a difference of 15.5% compared to the general average.
9.1.2
Trust in Political Parties
The levels of trust among citizens, potential voters and political parties can be gauged by
analyzing responses to some questions contained in the survey, such as the reasons given for
not having party affiliation and trust placed on political parties as to their solving the
problems of the population.
Lack of trust in all political parties was mentioned by 6.7% of respondents, representing
12.9% of the responses to that question (multiple choice answers, where respondents could
chose more than one option). However, the generalized negative perception of no interest
towards politics, a proxy of trust in the political system, was mentioned by 24 of every 100
Numero
Razoes de
nao
participacao
politica
Total
% de
respostas
Nunca fui convidado
702
31.4
Não quero/não me
interesso por política
1055
47.2
Não confio em nenhum
dos partidos políticos
288
12.9
Outras razões
444
19.9
2235
100.0
respondents, which corresponds to 47% of the responses. In total, 31 in 100 do not trust nor
feel any empathy with politics in general and specially with political parties. The response
behavior found is the same in Luanda and the other provinces.
The analysis of the respondents profile who are less trustful of the political system shows
they tend to be young women (a 15% difference with their male counterparts) between 18
and 33 years old; 65 of every 100, mainly poor or improved (70 of every 100); Catholics,
speak Portuguese, Umbundo, or Kimbundo and live largely in suburban areas.
However, trust in political parties regarding their capacity to solve the problems of the
population measured by the perception of respondents showed the following:
•
Political parties are second to last in a total of 23 institutions selected among the most
trustworthy to solve the problems of the population. That is only 4.1% of the
responses believe they have a role to play in solving the problems of the population.
This response profile is identical in Luanda and in other provinces.
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•
9.1.3
When the question is posed to respondents about which institution they trust the least
to solve the problems of the population, political parties rank third with 7.4% of the
responses.
Political Representation and Internal Debate
Respondent perceptions analysis how and what measures the direct channels of known
political representation (knowledge of the candidates and how they relate to their voters) plus
how internal debate is perceived internally to political parties, are indicators of democratic
openness, of respect for differences, of accepting diversity and interest in the search for more
appropriate solutions to the problems of the population.
Survey results indicate that in 4 of every 5 responses (3,099 valid responses, 76% of the total)
have difficulties identifying their representatives in Parliament – which is an indicator of a
weak link between political leaders and their constituents. There is also the case of 827
members or former members of political parties (42%) say that “in political parties the
individual is not free to speak his mind.”
The fact that there is a link between the situations presented before can be an indication that
lack of direct political representation has a negative impact on the partisan internal debate and
the freedom of political thought. There is a positive correlation between both variables, that is
low direct political representation is linked to low freedom of opinion in the parties, where
the contrary is also true.
9.2
Trust in Potential Voters in Other Institutions
The levels of trust placed by respondents in Government institutions and society were
researched equally. To conduct this exercise, the respondents were asked to name three
institutions out of a group of 22, on which they would place most of their trust, and of these
institutions they had to say which one was “less” trustworthy. The exercise was repeated with
the three institutions that merited “less trustworthy” to come up with the “least” trustworthy.
The table below shows the perception of trust on the part of respondents in the three most
important institutions and their capacity to solve the problems of the population in Luanda
and other provinces. The 22 institutions placed for selection before the respondents were
grouped by function in 11 classes so an aggregate analysis could be made with the
information.
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Percepção dos respondentes sob as Classes de instituições mais confiáveis
para a resolução de problemas da população
Luanda
Respos % Col
tas
Respost
a
Instituições de defesa da ordem pública
Instituições de provisão de justiça
Instituições de provisão de informação
Instituições religiosas
Instituições do executivo
Instituições legislativas
Instituições da sociedade civil
Instituições do poder tradicional
Instituições privadas (família, amigos)
Instituições partidos políticos
Nações Unidas
423
139
758
651
676
207
321
95
1015
61
126
9.5
3.1
16.9
14.6
15.1
4.6
7.2
2.1
22.7
1.4
2.8
Orde Outras provincias Orde
m de Respon
m de
% Col
Import dentes Resposta Import
ância
ância
5
8
2
4
3
7
6
10
1
11
9
1177
325
457
941
2021
430
411
666
1093
123
288
14.8
4.1
5.8
11.9
25.5
5.4
5.2
8.4
13.8
1.6
3.6
2
9
6
4
1
7
8
5
3
11
10
The reading that can be made for the Luanda case is that among the three main kinds of
institutions marked as the most important in terms of solving the problems of the population
there are two that do not have that social role from the onset. “Families” and “friends” are not
expected to dictate public policy just like media organizations; although they are instrumental
to solving social problems, they are not expected to have the power and legitimacy and
resources to carry out this function. Also, the weight given to religious institutions is almost
the same as that given to the institution of the Executive which shows there is an unfocused
perception of the functionality of the institutions and their role in the Luanda society.
In the case of Luanda, the set of public institutions with the responsibility of law and order,
enforcement, providing justice, legislative and executive support only received one third of
the responses, that is that respondents trust them to solve the problems of the population. This
assumes that among the Luanda population there is a clear perception that there are gaps in
public institutions on finding a solution to the problems of the population and those gaps have
been occupied by other non public institutions. In the case of other provinces, there is more
balance, half of the respondents trust government institutions to solve the problems of the
population.
The following table shows the choices made by the respondents about the three main
institutions that can be trusted to solve the problems if the population. We can first confirm
that trust is evenly distributed among institutions; that is to say that there is a belief that there
are no strong institutions. The Executive, for example, is the most trusted institution. The
second thing is that Luanda and in the other provinces there is a pattern of priorities and
responses that is relatively different. The third thing we can verify is that institutions which
do not have any social responsibility in solving the problems of society, such as family,
church and friends, are precisely those in which the respondents place most of their trust.
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IRI Report
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Percepção dos respondentes sob as três instituições mais
confiáveis para a resolução de problemas da população
Luanda
Respos % Col
tas
Respost
a
Família
Igrejas
Amigos
Polícia
Presidente da República
Rádio nacional
Governo
Parlamento/Deputados
ONG`s
TPA
Rแdios privadas
Jornais privados
Forças Armadas
Ass. Profissionais
Nações Unidas
Governador provincial
Autoridades tradicionais/sobas
Tribunais
Jornal de angola
Adm. municipal
Partidos políํ ticos
Procurador Geral da República
Total de respondentes
Total de respostas
665
651
350
286
275
242
233
207
187
163
148
139
137
134
126
107
95
87
66
61
61
52
1491
4472
Orde Outras provinc Ordem
de
m de Respost % Col
Respo Import
Import as
sta
ância
ância
14.9
14.6
7.8
6.4
6.1
5.4
5.2
4.6
4.2
3.6
3.3
3.1
3.1
3.0
2.8
2.4
2.1
1.9
1.5
1.4
1.4
1.2
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
700
941
393
809
616
150
566
430
285
138
86
48
368
126
288
464
666
182
35
375
123
143
2650
7932
8.8
11.9
5.0
10.2
7.8
1.9
7.1
5.4
3.6
1.7
1.1
0.6
4.6
1.6
3.6
5.8
8.4
2.3
0.4
4.7
1.6
1.8
3
1
9
2
5
15
6
8
13
17
20
21
11
18
12
7
4
14
22
10
19
16
When we finally asked respondents to chose the “most important” among the three most
important institutions, the results are shown below. Once again one can confirm the
perception of strength of non public institutions in solving the problems of the population.
A Instituição mais importante para resolver os problemas da
população
Ordem de
Importância:
Dominio de estudo:
Luanda
Count
Família
Igrejas
Presidente da República
Governo
Total
434
278
125
81
1481
Outras provincias
Col %
29.3
18.8
8.4
5.5
100.0
Count Col %
411
363
343
276
2618
15.7
13.9
13.1
10.5
100.0
Outras
Luandaprovinc
1
2
3
4
1
2
3
4
The levels of trust in the institutions were also analyzed by asking respondents which were
the institutions they trusted the least. The previous analysis attempted to capture the positive
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IRI Report
Chapter 9
perception, which is the level of trust in the institutions. Here, we attempt to obtain a
summarized view of perceptions. The table below summarizes the differential of the
responses of greater trust and lesser trust in the three most important institutions as to solving
the problems of the population.
The table below lists the perceptions of respondents about the less trustworthy institutions, by
domain of study. It is noted that in Luanda and other provinces the Police are considered the
least trustworthy institution to solve the problems of society.
The respondents from Luanda have a more negative perception of public institutions because
five of the first six institutions selected are public institutions. The political parties are
considered the fourth least trustworthy institution. In the provinces the pattern of responses is
slightly different because institutions such as friends, radios and private newspapers are
among the first six least trusted institutions. The fact that friends appeared as an institution in
which no trust can be deposited may be a sign of weak social cohesion and demoralization of
social capital. It can also be inferred that the support function that friends provide for solving
problems was compromised because of lack of financial capacity, that is the levels of
absolute poverty shown to be relatively higher here. In the case of Luanda, there is also a lack
of trust in friends, the sixth least trustworthy institution, placing just after the government.
Percepção dos respondentes sob as três instituições menos confiáveis
para a resolução de problemas da população
Luanda
Ordem Outras provincias
Ordem
de Respostas % Col
de
Respost % Col
as
Respos Import
Resposta Importân
ância
cia
ta
Polํcia
Parlamento/deputados
Adm. municipal
Partidos polํticos
Governador provincial
Governo
Amigos
Presidente da Rep๚blica
Tribunais
Autoridades Tradicionais/S
Na็๕es Unidas ( UNICEF,
Procurador Geral da Rep๚
ONGดs
Igrejas
Jornal de Angola
Ass. profissionais
Jornais privados
TPA
For็as armadas
Rแdio nacional
Rแdios privadas
Famํlia
Total de respondentes
Total de respostas
689
374
351
337
309
301
283
281
234
195
122
106
103
98
97
94
90
81
75
74
73
66
15.5
8.4
7.9
7.6
7.0
6.8
6.4
6.3
5.3
4.4
2.8
2.4
2.3
2.2
2.2
2.1
2.0
1.8
1.7
1.7
1.6
1.5
1487
4433
100
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
876
396
323
461
351
201
738
129
253
310
332
155
353
232
223
306
502
217
276
231
550
215
11.5
5.2
4.2
6.0
4.6
2.6
9.7
1.7
3.3
4.1
4.4
2.0
4.6
3.0
2.9
4.0
6.6
2.8
3.6
3.0
7.2
2.8
2593
7630
100
1
6
10
5
8
20
2
22
14
11
9
21
7
15
17
12
4
18
13
16
3
19
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IRI Report
Chapter 9
The respondents were also asked to identify among the three least trustworthy institutions
which would be the most trustworthy. The police appears in first place for Luanda and other
provinces. The President of the Republic appears as the least trustworthy institution in
Luanda, whereas in the other provinces the President is the most trustworthy. The image of
political parties does not appear as the best in either area of the study because it ranks as the
third least trustworthy institution.
A Instituição menos importante para resolver os problemas da
população
Ordem de
Luanda
Outras provincias Importância:
Respo % Col Respo % Col
Outras
stas
Respo stas
Respost
provin
sta
a
Luanda cias
Policia
Presidente da República
Partidos polํticos
Adm. municipal
Amigos
Governo
Autoridades Tradicionais/Sobas
Total
9.3
286
159
119
116
102
97
87
19.4
10.8
8.1
7.9
6.9
6.6
5.9
306
43
201
89
270
67
125
12.2
1.7
8.0
3.5
10.7
2.7
5.0
1471
100
2515
100
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
1
22
3
11
2
15
8
Summary of the Perceptions of Institutional Trust
This section includes a summary of the responses regarding levels of institutional
trustworthiness. It denotes the differential in frequency of responses about the most and the
least trustworthy institutions to the respondents and it serves to analyze the set of two images
of perceptions by the respondents. Until now the analysis of trust in the institutions was made
based only on perception of a positive image, more trustworthy institutions, negative image,
less trustworthy institutions. In this section, both analyses are grouped together to reflect
their image.
With this in mind, the following table was developed representing the disaggregate response
differential per domain of study. For example, in Luanda, the families and churches followed
by the National Radio appear as the most credible institutions. At the same time, the Police,
local administration and political parties appear as the least trustworthy institutions. It is
interesting to note that the mass media organizations, in general, except the Jornal de Angola
have a positive image. That is, the differential among responses between those with a good
image and bad image is positive. Of concern is that all institutions with a negative image
differential are state institutions, precisely those in charge of solving the problems of the
population. An exception are the Armed Forces which have a positive image among
respondents.
The President of the Republic, who appears as the least trustworthy institution in Luanda, in
the other provinces, is the most trustworthy. Likewise, the government appears as the fourth
most trustworthy institution, closely followed by traditional authorities in fifth place. The
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IRI Report
Chapter 9
private media organizations, Jornal de Angola, friends and political parties appear as the least
trustworthy institutions.
In this study, the media, in general, do not have a positive image concerning solving the
problems of the population in the other provinces. Some of the explanation can include lack
of appropriate information programs about the local situation and, in some provinces, the lack
or weak access to those sources of information.
Diferencial da Percepção dos respondentes sob as três instituições mais
confiáveis para a resolução de problemas da população
Luanda
Ordem Outras provincia Ordem
de
Respost % Col
de Respost % Col
Respo Importân
as
Respost Importâ as
sta
cia
a
ncia
Família
Igrejas
Rádio nacional
ONG`s
TPA
Rแdios privadas
Amigos
Forças Armadas
Jornais privados
Ass. Profissionais
Nações Unidas
Presidente da República
Jornal de angola
Procurador Geral da Repú
Governo
Autoridades tradicionais/s
Tribunais
Parlamento/Deputados
Governador provincial
Partidos polํíticos
Adm. municipal
Polícia
Total de respondentes
Total de respostas
599
553
168
84
82
75
67
62
49
40
4
-6
-31
-54
-68
-100
-147
-167
-202
-276
-290
-403
1487
4433
13.5
12.5
3.8
1.9
1.8
1.7
1.5
1.4
1.1
0.9
0.1
-0.1
-0.7
-1.2
-1.5
-2.3
-3.3
-3.8
-4.6
-6.2
-6.5
-9.1
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
485
709
-81
-68
-79
-464
-345
92
-454
-180
-44
487
-188
-12
365
356
-71
34
113
-338
52
-67
2593
7630
6.4
9.3
-1.1
-0.9
-1.0
-6.1
-4.5
1.2
-6.0
-2.4
-0.6
6.4
-2.5
-0.2
4.8
4.7
-0.9
0.4
1.5
-4.4
0.7
-0.9
3
1
16
13
15
22
20
7
21
17
11
2
18
10
4
5
14
9
6
19
8
12
The levels of trust in institutions and the nature or kind of trust in institutions relate to the
scenario of double transition from centralized regimes (autocratic) to pluralistic regimes and
of armed conflict situation to peace.
The perceptions of institutional trust are made within a context of a crisis scenario and of post
conflict instability. In this kind of scenario, the levels of institutional trustworthiness, in
general, and specifically regarding political institutions were weakened because crisis is
visible through the nation’s institutions. Knowing the levels of perception of the nature of
that institutional crisis is important to better tailor the proposals for political and social
solutions. In the case of this study, under the institutional point of view, this scenario is
characterized by:
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IRI Report
Chapter 9
•
•
•
•
A general lack of institutional trust, particularly in the state public institutions.
A lack of trust in political institutions for their incapacity to positively influence the
solution of problems of the population;
The disproportional valorization of the importance of institutions such as family,
church and the social roles of solving the problems of the population;
Different levels of institutional trust between the center (Luanda) and the outskirts
(other provinces).
The low level of recognition of public institutions relates to their weak performance. Formal
institutions had no time to solidify routine legitimate patterns nor operational procedures to
which everyone feels connected – government leaders, managers and beneficiaries. Thus,
jurisdiction and modus operandi are subject to discretionary redefinition and an institutional
engineering operated “from above.” Leadership comes from social actors with decisionmaking power over the institutions, and not from the institutions themselves. They are
essentially exempt from discipline and from an integrated sense of those institutions. This
situation drastically diminishes the capacity of public institutions to mediate the development
of trust in society, which is limited to personal or community interaction, that is, trust is
limited to personal contacts, and thus, avoiding disappointments.
On the other hand, the lack of trust may be connected to the fact that spontaneous forces of
solidarity and cooperation, which generate trust, horizontally among citizens and vertically as
in institutions and citizens, suffered because of the prolonged interventionism of the central
government.
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IRI Report
Chapter 10
CHAPTER 10. ATTITUDES AND PERCEPTIONS ABOUT THE PROVISION OF
PUBLIC SERVICES
The quality of public services provided could be a factor that may weigh heavily in whether
voters will consider re-electing the present government. This chapter analyzes the attitudes of
respondents on this issue by studying access to public services as seen by: (a) difficulties
obtaining services; (b) corruption; (c) prices; (d) quality of services, and (d) right to complain
about satisfaction of services provided.
10.1
Difficulties Obtaining Public Services
Difficulties obtaining public services were analyzed by posing a series of questions related to
records of personal identification, primary and secondary education, health, water, power,
access to farm credit and finally, personal security.
Records of Personal Identification
Respondents say these services which entail issuance of birth certificates, identity cards and
passports are fraught with difficulties. Close to 43% say it is difficult to obtain identification
documents. If we add the 14% who said it is very difficult to obtain them, the number
increases to 57% who face difficulties obtaining services from the Civil Register.
Dominio de estudo
Luanda
Count
Emissão de documentos de Muito fácil
identificação (cédula de
Fácil
nascimento,B.I,
Díficil
passaporte)
Muito díficil
Não sei
Total
Outras provincias
Col %
Count
Col %
34
2.3%
159
5.9%
382
25.5%
933
34.9%
819
54.6%
987
36.9%
247
16.5%
336
12.6%
18
1.2%
258
9.7%
1500
100.0%
2673
100.0%
Luanda witnessed the greatest difficulties in obtaining personal identification documents.
There are more than 32 respondents out of 100 in Luanda than in the other provinces who
believe it is very difficult to obtain documentation. The average degree of difficulty is placed
at 57% for the total sample, and Luanda has a 71% difficulty. The reasons that may explain
this perception may be due to the large demand and the frequency of the demand. Perceptions
about this type of service among respondents who live in areas with availability of these
services do not show substantial differences.
The table below specifies the disaggregate degree of difficulty per province, where a
relatively identical pattern is observed in most provinces except for Huíla and Uíge provinces
where more than half of the respondents believes obtaining those documents is easy.
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IRI Report
Chapter 10
Degree of Difficulty in Obtaining Services Related to Personal Identification by
Province
Degree of
Difficulty
Very easy
Easy
Difficult
Very difficult
Don’t know
Total
responses
Total
respondents
4
29
43
14
11
5
17
52
17
10
4
32
38
13
13
Luanda
Sul
Percentages
7
12
52
30
27
22
8
22
6
15
100
100
100
100
481
449
491
385
Huambo Benguela Malange
Uige
Huila
Luanda
Total
5
51
35
4
4
2
26
54
16
1
5
31
43
14
7
100
100
100
100
380
487
1500
4137
At the same time, we can see there is a clear association between the difficulty in obtaining
documents and the fact that a bribe has to be paid, according to the 62 of every 100
respondents who mentioned these difficulties. A more detailed analysis per domain of study
shows the situation in Luanda is alarming, because 84 of every 100 respondents (1,062)
testified to paying a bribe, once or twice, many times, or a few times throughout the year to
obtain such documentation, compared to 42 of every 100 in the other provinces (1,295) as
shown on the table below.
Dominio de estudo Luanda Row %
Obter um documento numa repartição pública
1 a 2 vezes
Emissão de documentos de
identificação (cédula de
nascimento,B.I, passaporte)
Total
Poucas
vezes
Muitas
vezes
Não sei
Nunca
Total
Díficil
27.3%
22.5%
31.5%
1.0%
17.7%
100.0%
Muito díficil
28.2%
14.3%
49.8%
.4%
7.3%
100.0%
27.5%
20.6%
35.7%
.8%
15.3%
100.0%
Education Services
Even though access to basic social services may depend, in part, on the performance of the
individual or of the household, it is the Government’s responsibility to provide the conditions
so these kinds of services, specially education and health, may have the broadest coverage
possible.
The degree of difficulty in accessing these services is an indicator of the Government’s
capacity to respond to the needs of the population. The information about access to these
services was obtained from the following line of question topics: degree of difficulty in
obtaining a place in a primary public school (access to free education to elementary or
primary school is guaranteed by the Constitution); in a secondary or higher education school,
and degree of difficulty in obtaining a doctor’s appointment or admittance to a hospital
(access to health services).
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IRI Report
Chapter 10
The analysis per domain of study (size of the sample: 4,153) according to the table below
shows that the difficulty in obtaining placement at a public primary school is greater in
Luanda, 76 of every 100 respondents. When the degree of difficulty is perceived at a
secondary or higher education school (sample: 4,116) then the degree of difficulty is greater
according to 93 of every 100 citizens of Luanda. In general there is a perception among
respondents that access to secondary and higher education is more complicated.
Col %
Dominio de estudo
Outras
provincias
Luanda
Um lugar
numa escola
secundária
ou superior
Total
Muito fácil
3.0%
4.2%
3.8%
Fácil
2.6%
9.9%
7.3%
Díficil
35.7%
32.5%
33.6%
Muito díficil
56.8%
28.1%
38.5%
Não sei
Total
1.9%
25.2%
16.8%
100.0%
100.0%
100.0%
The analysis of the degree of difficulty in accessing a secondary or higher education school
by self assessment of poverty clearly shows that the very poor and poor do not have access to
such education levels, because 25 to 46% have no notion of degree of difficulties. In general,
access is not determined by level of poverty because all groups had a pattern of difficulty that
was relatively the same. (sample size: 3,143).
Col %
Auto definicao de pobreza
Muito
pobre
Um lugar
numa escola
secundária
ou superior
Total
Pobre
Remediado
Mais ou
menos
Rico
Total
Muito fácil
2.9%
4.6%
3.3%
5.0%
8.8%
Fácil
3.9%
6.7%
8.5%
11.7%
14.7%
4.1%
8.1%
Díficil
20.8%
28.7%
36.5%
39.7%
29.4%
32.6%
Muito díficil
26.2%
35.0%
42.5%
35.6%
47.1%
36.9%
Não sei
46.2%
25.0%
9.1%
8.1%
100.0%
100.0%
100.0%
100.0%
100.0%
100.0%
18.3%
Also, in the case of access to public education services, bribes play an important role in
creating difficulties for the population. In Luanda, 77 of every 100 respondents affirmed that
in the previous year they had to pay a bribe, once or twice, many times, or a few times
throughout the year compared to 40 of every 100 in the other provinces. The following table
shows the situation in Luanda.
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IRI Report
Chapter 10
Dominio de estudo Luanda Row %
Colocar uma criança numa escola
1 a 2 vezes
Um lugar numa escola
pública primária
Poucas
vezes
Muitas
vezes
Não sei
Nunca
Total
Díficil
20.2%
25.3%
29.5%
1.4%
23.5%
100.0%
Muito díficil
19.9%
18.1%
44.0%
1.1%
17.0%
100.0%
20.1%
23.6%
33.1%
1.3%
21.9%
100.0%
Total
Health Services
According to the table below, 67 respondents out of 100 in Luanda and 47 in the other
provinces believe that getting a doctor’s appointment or admittance to a hospital is very
difficult.
Col %
Dominio de estudo
Outras
provincias
Luanda
Conseguir uma
consulta médica ou
um internamento no
hospital
Muito fácil
Total
1.4%
3.4%
2.5%
Fácil
29.9%
43.4%
37.7%
Díficil
48.0%
35.0%
40.5%
Muito díficil
19.2%
12.4%
15.3%
Não sei
Total
1.6%
5.7%
4.0%
100.0%
100.0%
100.0%
The table below includes only the responses from those who have these services in their area.
(N=2,953). The distribution of the “easy” category for rural areas seems to have resulted from
how respondents view access to health services in general, and not-private health services in
particular (for example, healer, private nurse, NGOs, churches, etc.) which correlates to the
low access to health facilities in rural areas. Among respondents of urban and suburban areas
there is a difference in the magnitude of the difficulties because suburban respondents feel
more penalized.
Col %
Localizacao
Rural
Conseguir uma
consulta médica ou
um internamento no
hospital
Muito fácil
Urbano
Total
2.0%
1.7%
2.5%
Fácil
48.3%
29.9%
42.1%
37.7%
Díficil
28.9%
47.2%
39.5%
40.5%
Muito díficil
10.9%
18.5%
13.5%
15.3%
7.8%
2.3%
3.1%
4.0%
100.0%
100.0%
100.0%
100.0%
Não sei
Total
Periurbano
4.2%
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Water and Power Services
Physical or economic access to drinking water and the small coverage of power distribution
in Angola are, according to some studies conducted by the United Nations, among the main
causes that contribute to high levels of morbidity and mortality.
The table below aggregates different data about respondents who have water supply services
in their area (respondents + 1,366 of a total sample of 4,300, or 31.7%), which proves the
small coverage of the access to drinking water. Over half of the respondents believe access to
water is difficult or very difficult.
Col %
Dominio de estudo
Luanda
Serviços
de água
Muito fácil
Outras
provincias
Total
1.3%
2.9%
2.0%
Fácil
23.9%
24.5%
24.2%
dificil
44.0%
32.8%
38.9%
Muito díficil
19.0%
18.1%
18.6%
Não sei
Total
11.7%
21.8%
16.3%
100.0%
100.0%
100.0%
The table below aggregates different data about respondents who have power supply services
in their area (without power services, (n=1,597) of a total sample of 4,300, or 37%), which
proves the small coverage of the access to power supply services. In Luanda, 68 of every 100
respondents believe access to power supply is difficult or very difficult.
Col %
Dominio de estudo
Luanda
Serviços de
electricidade
Total
Muito fácil
Outras
provincias
Total
1.3%
3.5%
2.4%
Fácil
18.6%
14.7%
16.7%
Díficil
48.3%
43.5%
46.0%
Muito díficil
20.1%
19.0%
19.6%
Não sei
11.6%
19.3%
15.3%
100.0%
100.0%
100.0%
Access to Farm Credit
Access to farm credit refers to the kind of services provided to citizens who rely on it for
productive activities. The coverage per province shows a trend of total ignorance of the
existence of that kind of service or a great difficulty in obtaining such service. All provinces
show the same characteristics. The response category “Don’t know” suggests the respondent
never faced the need to obtain credit, that is, more than half of the respondents. If we were to
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make an association of the farm potential in the country and of the population that lives off
farming activities, the relation to access to farm credit is disproportionate. Farm credit, if it
exists, has not been disseminated yet or the direct beneficiaries seem not to have access to it.
Difficulties Obtaining Farm Credit
Lunda
Degree of
Huila
Huambo Benguela Malange Uíge
Sul
Difficulty
Percentages
Very easy
0
3
2
7
4
2
Easy
2
1
2
1
3
2
Difficult
8
23
5
15
7
14
Very difficult
37
27
23
28
38
28
Don’t know
53
47
68
49
48
54
Total
100
100
100
100
100
100
responses
Total
489
501
507
389
377
518
respondents
Total
Luanda
2
2
12
29
55
3
2
12
30
54
100
100
1590
4300
According to the area where they live, the situation is the same as that shown in the
provinces. (See table below.) The rural and suburban areas appear to be the areas with the
least farm credit services. The distribution by banking circuit and capacity to make this
service available is one of the inferences that seems to be reflected in the statistic data. As to
the accessibility of farm credit that could be offered to men or women, the results show a
greater degree of difficulty or ignorance about farm credit for women.
Access to Farm Credit per Area of Residence
Urbano
Pe ri Urbano
Rural
3% 2%
3% 2% 7%
2 %2 %
14 %
16%
40%
24%
52 %
64%
30%
39%
Muito fácil
Fácil
Muito díficil
Não sei
Díficil
Muito fácil
Fácil
Muito díficil
Não sei
Díficil
Muito fácil
Fácil
Muito díficil
Não sei
Díficil
Security and Proximity: “Help From Police When it is Needed”
In a society so fraught with three decades of war, security is, without a shadow of a doubt,
one of the most essential elements for social stability and cohesion. The deficit in the supply
of this kind of service is calculated at 51%. The reading of the response category “Don’t
know” suggests there are several interpretations. It may mean the absence of the need to have
these kind of services, that such services are nonexistent, or relate to a lack of trust.
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Degree of Difficulty in Access to Police Help When Needed per Province
Degree of
difficulty
0
21
27
20
31
1
10
37
26
26
3
21
19
26
31
Lunda
Sul
Percentages
7
6
35
30
16
14
9
22
33
28
100
100
100
100
474
444
477
383
Huambo Benguela Malange
Very easy
Easy
Difficult
Very difficult
Don’t know
Total
responses
Total
respondents
Uíge
Huíla
Total
Luanda
3
29
23
15
29
1
22
38
29
9
3
23
28
23
22
100
100
100
100
374
492
1483
4127
The analysis per domain of study for respondents who have police coverage in their area
shows a gap of 22.5% for Luanda, as measured by the degree of difficulty (n+2,540). The
difference with this category of response, “don’t know”, among the domains, seems to
qualify some of the issues raised above.
Col %
Dominio de estudo
Outras
provincias
Luanda
Ajuda da
polícia
quando é
preciso
Muito fácil
Total
1.3%
4.0%
2.8%
Fácil
24.0%
27.9%
26.1%
Díficil
37.3%
24.0%
30.3%
Muito díficil
28.5%
19.3%
23.7%
8.9%
24.6%
17.2%
100.0%
100.0%
100.0%
Não sei
Total
The analysis of the data by province shows that the situation is more balanced in the
provinces of Uige, Lunda Sul, and Huíla, according to the table below. In these provinces
there is the perception that it is relatively easy to find a police officer when needed.
Col %
Provincia
Huambo
Ajuda da
polícia
quando é
preciso
Total
Muito fácil
Benguela
Malange
Uige
Lunda Sul
Huila
Luanda
Total
.5%
.5%
4.6%
8.1%
6.1%
4.0%
1.3%
2.8%
Fácil
25.6%
9.6%
22.9%
38.2%
39.5%
32.2%
24.0%
26.1%
Díficil
30.3%
34.0%
19.5%
16.2%
22.8%
24.6%
37.3%
30.3%
Muito díficil
19.9%
26.6%
31.7%
8.9%
16.7%
13.6%
28.5%
23.7%
Não sei
23.7%
29.3%
21.4%
28.6%
14.9%
25.6%
8.9%
17.2%
100.0%
100.0%
100.0%
100.0%
100.0%
100.0%
100.0%
100.0%
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IRI Report
Chapter 10
Access to police officers is easier in rural and urban areas than in suburban areas, as shown
by the table below. In rural areas, close to 35% of respondents do not know the degree of
difficulty to access police help. This may mean that there is no such help, or that there is no
such need because many times, community conflicts are solved by traditional authorities.
Degree of Difficulty of Close Safety Services per Area of Residence
Degree of Difficulty
Very easy
Easy
Difficult
Very difficult
Don’t know
Total responses
Total respondents
10.2
Rural Suburban Urban
Percentages
4
2
2
27
20
25
16
35
35
18
28
23
35
15
16
100
100
100
1459
1850
818
Total
3
23
28
23
22
100
4127
Coverage of social and safety services
The respondents were asked if the public services surveyed in this study are accessible where
they live. This question attempted to measure spatial coverage of basic services to the
population in the different regions. The table below shows the percentage of positive
responses to this question. The coverage levels of public services in the province of Luanda,
except for post-office, are almost 18% higher than in the rest of the provinces. Half of the
respondents say that management, education and health are available in the area where they
live. Services such as fixed line services, post-office, bank, power and water supply were
noticeable for their limited coverage in practically every province. These services are
available in few provinces, except for Luanda, according to half of the respondents.
Coverage of Social and Security Services per Province
Type of Service
Management Services
Public Schools
Health Clinic/Hospital
Services Power
Water Supply Services
Police
Bank
Post-Office
Telephone (fixed line)
Total respondents
Lunda
Huíla Luanda Total
Sul
Percentages
85
66
94
95
86
95
85
97
95
94
61
58
82
85
74
23
21
43
56
41
23
21
34
50
34
70
35
63
82
63
13
12
16
46
26
13
11
17
18
15
16
12
26
53
34
373 335
483 1493 4058
Huambo Benguela Malange Uíge
88
84
64
26
21
48
12
10
24
451
82
96
73
47
35
44
13
10
33
432
64
99
64
24
17
55
22
18
25
491
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Chapter 10
The analysis per residence area shows there are differences in coverage levels. The farther
from urban areas, the weaker the coverage. However management, education, health and
police services have a wider coverage area in the three areas of residency.
Coverage of Social and Safety Services per Area of Residency
Type of service
Management Services
Public Schools
Health Clinic/Hospital
Services Power
Water Supply Services
Police
Bank
Post-Office
Telephone (fixed line)
Total respondents
10.3
Rural Suburban Urban
Percentages
79
88
93
90
95
97
58
80
87
19
46
63
17
38
57
46
70
78
7
26
60
6
12
39
10
37
70
1378
1860
820
Total
86
94
74
41
34
63
26
15
34
4058
Quality of Public Services
After studying the provision of public services, it would be expected that respondents would
give a negative quality assessment due to the difficulty in accessing those services and their
limited coverage.
Close to two thirds of respondents, 63%, believes these services are not good, and that the
money they receive is not being reinvested into the services. Slightly over one fourth, 28%,
believes the services cannot be better because the people in charge of them do not receive
enough.
These opinions are not different when crossed with age, gender, and level of formal education
of respondents, although those with higher levels of education (one third) say it is because of
the lack of sufficient resources allocated to these services. (Specific weight of university
educated respondents in the sample is not significant.) The trend is the same for the other
provinces. Bad management was given as the main reason for having more or less impact in
one province or another. The analysis per area of residence – rural, urban and suburban –
shows there is a more positive quality assessment, less concern with bad management and
greater concern with resource availability.
Coverage of services per province
Huamb
Lunda
Benguela Malange Uíge
o
Sul
Percentages
Good Quality
4
3
14
21
9
Bad Quality- Bad Management
56
94
56
49
55
Bad Quality – Lack of Resources
41
3
30
31
36
Total respondents
429
418
407
368
332
Levels of Quality of Service
Huíla
17
64
20
482
Luand
Total
a
6
62
32
467
9
63
28
3881
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IRI Report
Chapter 10
10.4
Corruption / Informalization of public services
There are many names that can be given to the transformation of public services into informal
services because they depart from social norms for which they are intended. Weak response
capacity, weak inter-sectoral performance, low wages for workers and low quality and
inefficient equipment among others, can make up the manual for informalization.
Gasosa
Gasosa is a local name given to an additional illegal payment to a public entity to obtain a
fast and final disposition of a service – a bribe. It is currently a very common term in Angola.
The table below corresponds only to the subset of respondents who have services in their
areas which may have instituted bribery. The services involved include obtaining documents
from public offices or agencies, registering a child in school, obtain medical appointments,
connect public services (water, power, telephone), avoiding problems with the police or any
other situation where individuals may come before a civil servant.
Dominio de estudo
Luanda
Experiencia
com
corrupcao
1 a 2 vezes
Responses
Col Response %
Poucas vezes
Responses
Col Response %
Muitas vezes
Responses
Nunca
Responses
Layer Response %
286
774
14.4%
11.6%
13.2%
675
355
1030
19.9%
14.4%
17.6%
1012
298
1310
12.1%
22.4%
144
122
266
Col Response %
4.2%
5.0%
4.5%
Responses
1073
1397
2470
31.6%
56.8%
42.2%
3392
2458
5850
58.0%
42.0%
100.0%
Responses
Col Response %
Total
Total
488
29.8%
Col Response %
Não sei
Outras
provincias
The results show that 65 of every 100 respondents experienced at least one incident of
corruption in the previous year. Perception of corruption is one and a half times greater
among citizens of Luanda. The analysis of the bribes paid by the different subsets of this
study (gender, age, education levels) shows the same pattern. Still, respondents with higher
economic or education levels say they pay more bribes than others.
The graphs below show results of all groups in the survey, regardless of the availability of
public services in their area. The analysis per province shows a dichotomy between Luanda
and the other provinces. In Luanda this phenomenon is more noticeable. Close to 55% of
respondents paid a bribe at least once. Of these, 17% had already paid some bribes and 24%
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IRI Report
Chapter 10
had paid many bribes. The graph below shows the differences between Luanda and the other
provinces.
Frequência da "Gasosa" em Luanda
Frequência da "Gasosa" em Outras Províncias
14%
40%
5%
1 a 2 vezes
7%
9%
17%
Poucas vezes
9%
Muitas vezes
10%
65%
24%
Não sabe
1 a 2 vezes
Nunca
Poucas vezes
Muitas vezes
Não sabe
Nunca
Services Prone to Bribes
Many services were examined by respondents to see which were more likely to require
payment of a bribe. The graph below shows the enormity of the problem and the tendencies.
Table 11: Services Prone to Bribes
Type of service
Obtaining documents form public
offices
Registering a child in school
Obtaining medical appointments
Servicing public utilities (power,
telephone, water)
Avoiding problems with the police
Shopping in stores and from street
vendors
Elsewhere
Many Doesn’t
times
know
Percentages
Never
Total
respondents
4
44
4127
16
17
4
4
50
53
4120
4106
10
16
14
54
4101
7
8
14
8
64
4105
4
6
9
12
70
4096
5
10
9
14
63
3266
1 or 2
times
Few times
19
16
17
14
9
17
17
6
Public offices that deliver health services, schools and public utilities (power, telephone,
water) appear in this order as the most prone to bribery. This is significant even when at least
half of the respondents said never having paid a bribe, except to obtain documents from
public offices.
The variable created to define poverty, in this case self assessment of poverty, was crossed
with payment of bribes. Poverty appears as a factor that does not restrict payments of gasosa.
All socioeconomic categories pay bribes when they need to have a service made available to
them from a civil service offices.
10.5
Coverage of Government Services
Preference for public or private service often depends on the prices entailed. Respondents
were asked their opinion of the prices charged for public services. Forty in every 100 believe
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IRI Report
Chapter 10
the services mentioned were expensive or very expensive. Close to 14% of the respondents
believe services are expensive and 25% believe they are very expensive. The proportion of
respondents who believe services are accessible or inexpensive is barely 22%. Seventeen
percent believe services are accessible and 5% believe they are inexpensive. The remaining
38% either “do not know” or did not request these services, 16% and 22% respectively.
According to respondents, the most expensive services which should be available to all the
population, such as health, issuance of documentation, education and others, are classified
below:
Most Expensive Services
Type of service
Issuance of documentation
from public offices (IDs,
certificates)
Education
Health Services
Medication
Power Supply Services
Water Supply Services
Telephone Services
Public Transportation
Services
Post-Office
Transportation Fees
Don’t Did not
Very
Expensive Accessible Inexpensive
know
use
expensive
Percentages
Total
respondents
12
33
37
8
5
5
4148
11
15
43
12
8
15
33
36
39
28
21
16
38
33
11
13
14
3
10
8
3
2
4
1
4
4
2
19
21
23
4
4
2
27
32
42
4141
4144
4097
1087
4087
1712
11
31
17
6
16
20
4046
3
14
6
11
5
2
2
1
33
33
51
39
4072
4055
The survey says health services are, undoubtedly, the most expensive ones. Eighty two
percent say medication is very expensive. As to health in general, 51% are of the same
opinion. Followed by issuance of documents by public offices (certificates and IDs) which
45% of respondents believe is very expensive. The high percentages in services such as
power, water, telephone, transportation, post-office, transportation fees are due to the lack of
universal coverage of these services to all respondents.
The analysis per residence area gives different percentages depending on the service. In urban
areas, public administration services are considered less expensive, but there is a price
increase from suburban areas to rural areas. Rural populations consider education and health
services accessible, or in other words, inexpensive – close to 53% believes education is
inexpensive, and 41% believes health is inexpensive, excluding medication. Medication by
itself is another matter: everyone believes medication is quite expensive. Suburban residents,
however, believe medication is very expensive: close to 86% compared to 82% in urban areas
and 75% in rural areas. The remaining services seem not to have sufficient coverage in the
domain of the study, because the percentage of respondents that responded “don’t know” and
“did not use” is quite high.
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10.6
Patterns of Client Complaints
The table below shows the pattern of responses regarding filing a complaint about a public
service. One fifth of respondents said not knowing with whom and where to go to file a
complaint was their primary concern. One third did not even complain because they thought
it wasn’t worth their while, since nothing was going to change. This feeling is more prevalent
among the Luanda respondents. Still, 21 respondents out of 100 in Luanda and 15 in the other
provinces filed complaints, even when no response was made to such complaints. In only 9%
of the cases did a complaint solve the problem – illustrating inefficient services and
mechanisms for population feedback.
Dominio de estudo
Luanda
Padrao de
reclamacao
do cliente
Não sabia a quem me dirigir
Outras provincias
Numero de
respostas
Col
Resposta %
Numero de
respostas
Col
Resposta %
Numero de
respostas
Col
Resposta %
182
16.9%
271
25.2%
453
21.1%
Não havia nenhum
formulário ou papel para
apresentar a queixa
97
9.0%
156
14.5%
253
11.8%
O chefe do serviço não me
quis receber
75
7.0%
79
7.3%
154
7.2%
231
21.5%
157
14.6%
388
18.0%
98
9.1%
99
9.2%
197
9.2%
391
36.4%
315
29.2%
706
32.8%
834
100.0%
705
100.0%
1539
100.0%
fiz a queixa mas nada
aconteceu pois não
resolveram o problema
Fiz a queixa e o problema
foi resolvido
não fiz nada porque não
valia a pena
Total
Total
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IRI Report
Chapter 11
CHAPTER 11. DETERMINANTS OF VOTING TRENDS
One of the most fascinating issues in political sociology is identifying and understanding the
factors, the main determinants, that influence voting decisions of individuals. What factors
weigh in the decision-making process of individuals, of each citizen, when casting a vote?
This knowledge can help political parties adopt electoral strategies that take these factors into
consideration.
11.1
Factors Influence Voting Process Decisions
The respondents were asked to choose a set of 13 factors, 3 of which they considered most
important in the decision-making process. Further, they were asked which was the most
important among those three. The list of factors were those that appear the most in political
psychology, such as gender, religion, political affiliation, ethnicity, purchasing power,
candidate’s academic level, candidate’s ethics.
The results show that the candidate’s political experience, a candidate who is not linked to
corruption (ethics of public servants) and previous political experience are the three most
important factors to the individual voting decision making process. They were answered by
48, 47 and 39 for every 100 responses, respectively. The analysis of the responses per domain
of the study shows differences between Luanda and other provinces. In the case of Luanda,
the factor “candidate not linked to corruption” was the most important factor in 59 out of
every 100 responses compared to 40 in 100 in the other provinces (third most important
factor).
Important Factors in Luandans’
Voting Decision
58.8
Candidate is free from corruption
44.8
Candidate’s political experience
38.2
Candidate’s level of education
30.7
Prior experience in governance
28.5
Candidate’s Ideas
23.5
Candidate’s Money
15.7
Familiarity with Candidate’s Staff
14.9
Candidate’s Political Party
13.1
Speak same national language as Candidate
10.1
Candidate’s Gender
Candidate’s Age
Candidate’s Church
8.6
7.8
5.1
Candidate’s Region
0.0
10.0
20.0
30.0
40.0
50.0
60.0
%
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IRI Report
Chapter 11
The candidate’s political experience was the second most important factor, in 45 out of every
100 responses compared to half of the responses from the other provinces who believed it is
the most important factor. Candidate’s academic level is an important factor for 38 people
from Luanda and 26 from the other provinces of every 100 responses. The “candidate’s
platform” is important for 28 people from Luanda and 21 from the other provinces of every
100 responses. Association with the candidate’s native language is important for 21 of every
100 responses from the other provinces and 13 of every 100 respondents from Luanda. If we
were to add the “region” factor to “same native language spoken by the candidate”, both
being indicators of ethnicity, then we can say ethnicity is an important factor for a third of the
subjects form the other provinces. This factor is relatively smaller in Luanda, at 18 of every
100 candidates. In the rural areas it is important for 34 of 100 respondents.
Age, gender, religion and region of the candidate were considered the least important factors
to take into consideration when deciding on voting.
Important Factors in the Voting Decisions
Of Other Provinces
49.6
Candidate’s Political Experience
44.0
40.1
Prior experience in Governance
Candidate’s Freedom from Corruption
Candidate’s Educational Level
Candidate’s Money
Speak same national language as candidate
Candidate’s Ideas
Familiarity with Candidate’s Staff
Candidate’s Political Party
Candidate’s Gender
Candidate’s Age
Candidate’s Church
26.1
22.0
21.2
20.9
16.4
13.7
13.4
12.8
10.3
8.9
Candidate’s Region
0.0
10.0
20.0
30.0
40.0
50.0
%
Although the degree of importance of factors weighing in the decision to vote may vary
among respondents from Luanda and other provinces, they agree on the four main factors to
consider in the decision to vote: candidate not being linked to corruption, political
experience, governing experience and academic level of the candidate.
New and experienced voters (experienced being those who voted in 1992) have the same
response profile. The lesser the formal education levels, the greater the tendency to value
religion, region and spoken native language as a factor for the decision to vote. The greater
the formal education level on the part of the respondent, the greater the tendency to value
political experience, corruption and formal education level of the candidate. In terms of self
assessed poverty, the differences of opinion among respondent are minimal.
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Chapter 11
The respondents were asked which of the three was the most important factor in the decision
making process. The table below shows there is a significant difference among respondents in
Luanda and other provinces related to the “previous government experience” factor valued by
only 10 of every 100 responses from Luanda and 21 of every 100 in the other provinces. The
factor “candidate not linked to corruption” is mostly valued among respondents from Luanda.
Dominio de estudo
Luanda
Count
Desses três
mais
importantes
diga qual é o
critério mais
importante
para ajudar a
votar
Total
Outras provincias
Subtable %
Count
Subtable %
um candidato limpo que
não tenha fama de corrupto
477
32.4%
535
20.8%
Experiência anterior de
governação
139
9.5%
536
20.8%
Experiência política do
candidato
205
13.9%
320
12.4%
O nível académico do
canmdidato
159
10.8%
200
7.8%
Ideias do candidato
122
8.3%
227
8.8%
Candidato com dinheiro
89
6.1%
208
8.1%
O partido político do
candidato
72
4.9%
101
3.9%
Falar a mesma lingua lingua
nacional do candidato
48
3.3%
123
4.8%
A igreja do candidato
46
3.1%
90
3.5%
Conhecimento pessoal do
candidato
44
3.0%
74
2.9%
O sexo do candidato
30
2.0%
64
2.5%
A idade do candidato
22
1.5%
72
2.8%
Região do candidato
17
1.2%
27
1.0%
1470
100.0%
2577
100.0%
Interestingly enough, the candidate’s platform, formal education levels and political party
have less importance in the decision making process. According to the respondents, the most
important factors are related to the candidate’s practices and behavior, and the other factors
have to do with the quality potential of the candidate. Data seems to indicate that respondents
intend to incorporate into their decision making process those factors linked to the
candidate’s praxis instead of the potential qualities that the candidate seems to have. That is,
the data seems to point towards an attitude of “judging known acts” than betting on a blank
card on the potential of ideas, technical knowledge or any another characteristic.
The attempt to identify which are the main determinants that may help to foretell the voting
decision making process resorted to building binary logistical regression models. In this kind
of regression model, the dependent variable takes on a binary value, yes or no, presence or
absence of status, whereas the independent variables may take on binary or continuous
values. The variables that explain these types of models were 13 variables used previously
(i.e., government experience, political experience, candidate’s age, religion, gender, level of
78
IRI Report
Chapter 11
knowledge, corruption, etc.). With these models, the intent was to anticipate what variables
had an impact on political mobility and predicting if a voter would, in fact, vote on the next
elections.
11.2
Anticipating Political Mobility
The variable, the candidate’s previous experience in government, has the most explanatory
value in anticipating respondent behavior regarding political mobility. That is, the probability
of a respondent voting for a different political party than the one the respondent voted for in
the 1992 elections relates to the candidate's previous government experience. This variable, in
turn, is positively related to corruption as an important factor to consider in the voting
decision making process, since there is multi-colinearity among both.
Dependent Variable. EM3AP3 Voto no mesmo partido politico?
Beginning Block Number 0. Initial Log Likelihood Function
-2 Log Likelihood
1166.4744
* Constant is included in the model.
Beginning Block Number 1. Method: Enter
Variable(s) Entered on Step Number
1..
EXPGOVER
Estimation terminated at iteration number 4 because
Log Likelihood decreased by less than .01 percent.
-2 Log Likelihood
1159.116
Goodness of Fit
1423.997
Cox & Snell - R^2
.005
Nagelkerke - R^2
.009
Chi-Square
df Significance
Model
7.358
1
.0067
Block
7.358
1
.0067
Step
7.358
1
.0067
Classification Table for REM3AP3
The Cut Value is .50
Predicted
Predicted
Nao
Sim Sim Percent
Correct
Não
Percent
Correct
SS
Observed
N N Ù
Observed
ÚØØØØØØØÚØØØØØØØÚ
Nao
Ù 0
0 Ù
203
.00% 0%
Nao
NN
203 Ù
ÚØØØØØØØÚØØØØØØØÚ
Sim
S
0
1221
100%
Sim
S
Ù
0 Ù 1221 Ù 100.00%
Overall
85,74%
ÚØØØØØØØÚØØØØØØØÚ
Overall 85.74%
---------------------- Variables in the Equation -------------------Variable
B
S.E.
Wald
df
Sig
R
Exp(B)
EXPGOVER
Constant
11.3
.5544
1.6969
.2150
6.6467
.0822 425.8812
1
1
.0099
.0000
.0631
1.7408
Predictability of Voting in the Next Elections
The predictability of a voter casting a vote in the next elections is statistically related to the
importance given to the following variables: candidate’s previous experience in government,
political experience and personal knowledge of the candidate. The model can anticipate 91%
of the voting probability if these variables are taken into account. These variables are linked
to a greater set of behavior variables, and this, in turn, could be an indication that the
respondents, in their decision to vote, positively or negatively value government experience
and personal knowledge of the candidate.
79
IRI Report
Chapter 11
Number of cases included in the analysis: 3179
Dependent Variable..
RM1P4
Vai Votar nas proximas eleicoes
Beginning Block Number 0. Initial Log Likelihood Function
-2 Log Likelihood
1843.2176
* Constant is included in the model.
Beginning Block Number 1. Method: Enter
Variable(s) Entered on Step Number
1..
EXPGOVER
EXPOLITI
CONHPESS
Estimation terminated at iteration number 5 because
Log Likelihood decreased by less than .01 percent.
-2 Log Likelihood
1802.680
Goodness of Fit
3178.962
Cox & Snell - R^2
.013
Nagelkerke - R^2
.029
Chi-Square
df Significance
Model
40.538
3
.0000
Block
40.538
3
.0000
Step
40.538
3
.0000
Classification Table for RM1P4
The Cut Value is .50
Predicted
Predicted
Nao
Sim Sim Percent
Correct
Não
Percent
Correct
SS
Observed
N N Ù
Observed
ÚØØØØØØØÚØØØØØØØÚ
Nao
Ù 0
0 Ù
269
.00% 0%
Nao
NN
269 Ù
ÚØØØØØØØÚØØØØØØØÚ
Sim
S
0
2910
100%
Sim
S
Ù
0 Ù 2910 Ù 100.00%
Overall
91,54%
ÚØØØØØØØÚØØØØØØØÚ
Overall 91.54%
---------------------- Variables in the Equation ----------------------Variable
B
S.E.
Wald
df
Sig
R
Exp(B)
EXPGOVER
EXPOLITI
CONHPESS
Constant
11.4
1.0995
.7415
1.5270
2.1489
.2385 21.2544
.2350
9.9594
.7193
4.5068
.0703 934.6048
1
1
1
1
.0000
.0016
.0338
.0000
.1022
.0657
.0369
3.0028
2.0991
4.6045
Respondents Facing the Challenge of Change
Some questions pertaining to behavioral changes were put to the respondents. The questions
had to do with situations of conflict of interest for the respondents, since it was believed they
had the same affinity with the platforms of both candidates. The questions addressed age
differences, permanence in a political appointment and voting in newer parties.
The issue of differences related to having a choice between the oldest candidate with the
greatest experience, or the newest candidate, a symbol of new ideas. The results show a slight
preference for the most experienced candidate and that same preference is more significant
among respondents from the other provinces.
Dominio de estudo
Luanda
Count
Se estiver em dúvida em
relação a escolha de dois
candidatos com quem
tivesses simpatias que
apresentam as mesmas
ideias o que preferia?
Outras provincias
Col %
Count
Col %
Votar no mais velho, porque
deve ter mais experiência
673
45.2%
1375
52.0%
Votar no mais novo, porque
precisamos de ideias novas
555
37.3%
708
26.8%
Não sei
260
17.5%
559
21.2%
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IRI Report
Chapter 11
In Luanda there is a tendency to vote for younger candidates. The analysis also showed that
rural respondents are more inclined to vote for the older candidates and the younger voters
tend to prefer candidates who symbolize newer ideas. It is among the respondents whose self
assessment of poverty is improved that we find greater percentage, 35.7% of respondents in
favor of a change.
It was also requested of respondents to speak about the selection of two candidates with the
same ideas for public office, in a situation that could or could not entail the removal of the
incumbent. In general, 43 out of every 100 would vote on the incumbent, whereas 28 in 100
had no preconceived ideas on this regard. When analyzing the main decision making, it is
evident that Luanda has a different response pattern with slightly less respondents voting for
a new candidate for the position.
Dominio de estudo
Luanda
Count
Se estiver com dúvidas em
relação a escolha de dois
candidatos com quem
tivesses simnpatias que
apresentam as mesmas
ideias o que prefereria?
Total
Outras provincias
Col %
Count
Col %
Count
Col %
Votar naquele que ja
está lá no cargo/lugar
564
37.9%
1207
45.5%
1771
42.8%
Votar naquele que não
está no cargo/lugar
584
39.2%
637
24.0%
1221
29.5%
Não sei
Total
340
22.8%
810
30.5%
1150
27.8%
1488
100.0%
2654
100.0%
4142
100.0%
Almost half of rural respondents would vote for the incumbent compared to 38% among
urban respondents. The greater the formal education level, the greater the tendency to vote for
a change from the incumbent. The self assessed poverty status is not relevant as to differences
in attitudes, although a greater number of undecided (38%) are among the very poor.
Finally, one third of the respondents of Luanda and other provinces in the study would be
willing to accept new political parties in the scene, which can be an indicator of political
change. The response pattern is identical for new and experienced voters, physical location of
respondents (urban, suburban and rural), formal education level, native language among the
main spoken languages. The very poor, 14% differ from the average, they are less willing to
vote for new parties.
Prefiro votar num partido antigo do que num partido novo
Dominio de estudo:
Luanda
Outras provincias
No
Col %
No
Col %
Total
respostas Col %
Sim
953
64.6
1,704
65.5
2,657
65.2
Não
523
35.4
896
34.5
1,419
34.8
Decision Making on Voting When There is Conflict of Interest
In a set of questions posed to the respondents, an attempt was made to assess to what measure
candidates’ ideas were given more value than variables such as personal knowledge of the
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IRI Report
Chapter 11
candidate, how long the political party has existed, and candidate’s region, religion, and
socioeconomic status. The table below shows the voting preference of respondents in a
situation of conflict of interest.
A little less than half of the respondents, when faced with a conflict of interests situation
between better ideas and knowledge of the candidate and knowledge of political parties,
would be willing to sacrifice better ideas. Whereas, in a conflict between the same religion
and the region of the respondent, only 1/3 would chose to sacrifice the candidate with better
ideas, revealing that the alliance to religion and region is less important.
As to ownership of material goods, 64 of every 100 respondents would rather sacrifice a
candidate’s better ideas to the detriment of a candidate with more means. One of the many
possible readings is the reaffirmation of the belief that public office is used for illegitimate
personal enrichment, an indirect statement of the belief that there are higher levels of
corruption, and that candidates with means could be a “guarantee” for less desire for illegal
funds, particularly during local elections.
The analysis per domain of the study shows the respondents of Luanda have more “issues”
with corruption and attribute less value than respondents from other provinces to personal
knowledge of the candidate, religion, known political party, and region. In other words, the
people of Luanda are more willing to try new ideas, in the form of new information from
political parties, whether they come form other regions or religions.
Preferência de voto em :
Dominio de estudo:
Luanda
Outras provincias
No
Col % No
Col %
Pessoa conhecida do que
desconhecida ainda que esta tenha
melhores ideias
Partido Político conhecido que Partido
desconhecido, ainda que este tenha
melhores ideias
Pessoa da minha região ainda que
não concorde com ela do que numa
pessoa de outra terra/região com
melhores ideias
Pessoa da minha igreja ainda que não
concorde com ela do que numa
pessoa de outra igreja
Pessoa com posses e influência que
não vai usar o cargo político para
retirar vantagens do que numa
pessoa sem posses que vai querer
tirar vantagem
Total
Resposta Col %
Sim
597
40.3
1,298
50.0
1,895
46.5
Não
886
59.7
1,297
50.0
2,183
53.5
Sim
628
42.2
1,298
49.9
1,926
47.1
Não
860
57.8
1,305
50.1
2,165
52.9
Sim
460
31.0
988
37.7
1,448
35.3
Não
Sim
1,024
399
69.0
28.9
1,635
878
62.3
35.5
2,659
1,277
64.7
33.2
Não
982
71.1
1,593
64.5
2,575
66.8
Sim
1,085
73.3
1,538
58.5
2,623
63.9
Não
395
26.7
1,090
41.5
1,485
36.1
Rural respondents are more willing to sacrifice better ideas in favor of other variables, at an
average of 10%. The differences among suburban and urban respondents are marginal. As to
formal education levels, the lower the education level, the greater the preference for personal
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IRI Report
Chapter 11
knowledge of the candidate, known political party, region, church (a 20 percentile point
difference compared to respondents with 12 years of formal education). It is surprising that in
issues of the candidate’s material wealth, the differences are minimal. The analysis of the
response by the self assessment of poverty variable shows the very poor as those who are
more willing to sacrifice better ideas in favor of security or other associations compared to
the “not poor” respondents. The percentage as to magnitude of illegal funneling of funds is
similar to the level of formal education. The analysis related to “native language” and “main
ethno-linguistic groups” does not reveal differentiated response patterns. Likewise, there are
no differences detected regarding religion nor gender of respondents.
11.5
Influence in the Voting Decision Making Process
The respondents were also asked whom they would ask for guidance in case of doubts about
a candidate. The respondents were given multiple choices; that is, they could select more than
one source of guidance. The table below shows the following:
•
The respondents in Luanda, over one third, are less likely to ask advice of other
people than of those from the other provinces.
•
The family is the main source of advice, followed by older individuals and priests. In
the other provinces the traditional leaders, sobas, also play the same role.
The pattern of response shows the small influence that a colleague at work, whether boss or
director of services, may play in terms of advice. Relationships with one’s own family,
deference to elders, trust in traditional hierarchy and community associations, in the case of
the soba of the rural areas, are the main sources of advice.
A quem pedir opiniao sob candidatos
Dominios de estudo
Luanda
Outras provincias
Desvio
Respon Layer
Respon
Layer
ses
Respons (Luanda=
ses
Response
base)
e%
%
Ningué้m
Família
Aos mais velhos
Igreja/pastor/padre
Amigos
Soba
Patrão/director
Outros
Total
543
528
346
274
231
67
38
66
2,093
36.7
35.7
23.4
18.5
15.6
4.5
2.6
4.5
141
705
817
735
642
422
761
61
149
4,292
26.5
30.7
27.6
24.1
15.8
28.6
2.3
5.6
10.2
5.0
-4.2
-5.6
-0.2
-24.0
0.3
161
It is among Cokwe speaking respondents that the soba is most relevant as a source of advice,
according to 4 in every 10 respondents. In terms of spatial location, urban respondents are
less dependent on advice from church representatives, older people and sobas. The closer the
respondent to the rural area, the greater the dependence on these sources of advice. Urban
voters are less likely to ask for advice than those of suburban or rural areas. Among illiterate
respondents, 42 of every 100 will ask for advice from the soba in case of doubts. Among the
83
IRI Report
Chapter 11
voters of 1992 and new voters, the latter are less likely to consult with sobas, and rely greatly
on the family as a recourse for opinions.
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IRI Report
Chapter 12
CHAPTER 12. THE MEDIA AND THE ELECTIONS
This section identifies what perception respondents hold regarding the role of the media in
the elections. Expectations of the media bias may be present during the electoral process and
the role of state run media are central concerns. Here we determine the subgroups that have
the least confidence in the media playing a neutral role during electoral campaigns. As
supporting evidence for the analysis, an index to access to information has been developed.
12.1
Access to Information
This analysis will show what perception citizens have about what role the media may play in
the next elections.
It seems
Índice sobre o Acesso à Informação
important to have a notion of
what access people have to the
Número de
Representação no
% da
media. For this, an index on
Dias da
Índice
População
Semana
access to information was
developed, based on three
(Acesso Total - lê jornal, escuta
questions about access to the
rádio e vê TV, todos os dias da
7.0
3.4
kinds of media organs (radio,
semana)
newspapers and TV) and how
6.0
much access (as measured by the
5.0
number of days in a week
[frequency] and times this access
4.0
(Acesso Mediano - Lê jornal,
is made) was developed resulting
Escuta rádio e vê TV até 3 dias
3.0
73.9
in a scale with a maximum value
por semana)
of 7 (equal to the number of days
2.0
in a week) and a minimum of 0
1.0
(or equal to no days in a week).
(Sem Acesso - não lê Jornal,
não escuta rádio, nem vê TV
As the figure here shows, a value
0.0
30.0
durante a semana)
of 7 recorded in this index, shows
the individual has daily access to
the 33 media agencies (radio, TV, newspapers) and a score of 0 means the individual does not
have weekly access to television, newspapers or radio.
Acesso à Informação segundo a Área Geográfica
100
% de indivíduos
Survey results show that, in general,
access to the information disseminated
by the media is deficient. Close to 30%
of the population do not have access to
information on a weekly basis, whether
by radio, newspaper or TV, and that only
3% of citizens has access to information
from these three sources on a daily
basis.
80
60
40
20
0
Luanda
Uige
Malange
Lunda
Sul
Huila
Huambo Benguela
When access to information is seen from
Acesso Mediano Sem Acesso
a geographic perspective, the number of
citizens without access to information
almost doubles in some cases (Luanda Norte, 54% and Malange 53%). In reality, in only two
85
IRI Report
Chapter 12
provinces, Luanda (9%) and Uíge (28%) does access to information fall lower than the
general average of 30%.
Acesso à informação e o Perfil Sócio-económico do Eleitor:
Acesso à Informação e Pobreza Auto-definida
80%
59%
60%
31%
40%
35%
28%
18%
16%
20%
0%
Sem acesso
Acesso Limitado
Muito pobre/Pobre
Acesso a informação
Mais ou menos/Ricos
Acesso à Informação e Escolaridade
60%
53%
48%
50%
40%
25%
30%
17%
20%
9%
3%
10%
0%
Sem acesso
Acesso Limitado
Analfabetos/I nível
Acesso a informação
Nivel Medio/Universitario
Acesso à Informação e Género
80%
60%
56%
44%
69%
59%
41%
32%
40%
20%
0%
Sem acesso
Acesso Limitado
Homem
Acesso a informação
Mulher
Acesso à Informação e Filiação Política
80%
59%
60%
40%
51%
37%
33%
45%
41%
20%
The access to information index
allows for one more approach. It is
interesting because it attempts to
assess the gaps in access to
information between the different
sectors of society. The medium
average, that which divides the index
scale by half, the first half from 1 to
3 and the second half from 3 to 7,
may be interpreted as the point that
determines the threshold of low
access to information. Individuals
with values between 0 and 3, do not
have access to the three mass media
outlets in a frequency that is less that
half of the days of the week. In
principle, the distribution by
population of access to information
should result in numbers that are
more or less the same for individuals
on both sides of the scale. The results
point to quite a large gap in access to
information by citizens, with almost
75% lower than this mid point. That
is, only 26% of citizens have access
to information from the three mass
media outlets on a frequency greater
than 3 days per week. From a
geographic perspective, this gap
reaches higher levels in the interior
of the country with provinces such as
Lunda Sul, which stand out with
negative access (91% below the mid
point) or Malange (86% below mid
point of access to information).
0%
Sem acesso
Acesso Limitado
Simpatizante/Militante
Acesso a informação
Nenhuma ligação politica
Acesso à Informação e Áreas de Geográficas
72%
80%
60%
40%
70%
58%
42%
30%
28%
20%
0%
Sem acesso
Acesso Limitado
Luanda
Access to Information by
Socioeconomic Status
Up to what point is access to
information related to socioeconomic
status? This is an interesting
question. We observe there are large
gaps in access to information by
different socioeconomic groups in a
single community. Respondents were
Acesso a informação
Outras provincias
86
IRI Report
Chapter 12
grouped in three categories according to the value they obtained in the index about access to
information. The first group (without access) included those with values between 0 and 2.
The second group (limited access) included those with values between 2 and 5 of the index.
Finally on the third group (access to information) included those with index values between 5
and 7. Five variables were selected to illustrate the relationship between access to information
and some socioeconomic and geographic strata. Poverty (used as proxy, the variable “self
assessed poverty”); level of formal education (measured from the variable “formal
education”); gender (using the variable “gender”); level of political participation (using as a
proxy the variable “party affiliation”); and geographic areas (from the variable “domain of
study”). Finally, separating the sample by the three groups described above, we crossed each
group with the variables described above.
The previous figures represent the results obtained and reveal that access to information is
strongly related to citizen’s socioeconomic status and geographic location. Observing any of
the graphs shows a negative trend when passing from a lack of access to information situation
to one with access to information. That is:
(i)
while close to 59% of citizens without access to information consider themselves
poor or very poor, among those with access to information, this proportion is close
to 3 times less, reaching only 18%;
(ii)
among citizens without access to information, 48% are illiterate or have only 4
years of formal education. Among those with access to information this proportion
decreases almost 16 times, reaching only 3%, whereas the proportion of
individuals with at least middle school is 53%;
(iii)
56% of citizens without access to information are women, whereas women with
access to information represent only 32%, which represents an almost double
reduction;
(iv)
59% of citizens without access to information do not have any political affiliation.
Among those with access to information, this proportion decreases to close to
41%; and,
(v)
as was said before, living in Luanda does seem to make a difference in terms of
access to information. 72% of citizens without access to information live in other
provinces, whereas this proportion in Luanda decreases almost 3 times, reaching
only 28%.
It is obvious that the lack of access to information has an impact the population. As will be
confirmed later, it impacts the role that citizens will attribute to the media in the next
electoral process and the perception that these same citizens have on key issues, such as non
biased media or the level of trust that may be held in journalists as providers of information
for the next electoral process.
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IRI Report
Chapter 12
12.2
Role of Mass Communications in the Next Elections
The sense that citizens have
about the role of the media for
the next elections was analyzed
through 5 questions. Two of
the questions relate to the
independence of public mass
media (National Radio of
Angola [RNA] and Public
Television of Angola [TPA]).
Two other questions asked
respondents
about
the
involvement of private mass
media organizations in specific
political party campaigns. This
last question refers to the level
of trust citizens have in the
output of journalists. Each of
these 5 questions were
analyzed
using
contrasts
among (i) extreme groups, first
as to access to information and
second as to the level of formal
education reached; and (ii)
individuals residing in Luanda
and individuals residing in
other provinces.
Role of
Mass Communications
in the Next Elections:
Access to Information
In general, there is a confirmed
high level of uncertainty as to
these issues, with at least two
fifths of respondents not
knowing what the role is.
When these questions are
crossed with levels of access to
information, the levels of
uncertainty grow even more
among those with no access,
reaching more that half of the
respondents (See table below.).
This trend reveals coherence
among responses; individuals
without access to information
Neutralidade da Comunicação Social Segundo Acesso
à Informação:
Durante a fase das eleições…
A rádio e statal vai faz er campanha pe lo partido no
poder
100%
49%
66%
27%
50%
47%
0%
Sem acesso
Acesso a
informação
Luanda
Sem acesso
Acesso a
informação
Outras Províncias
A TPA vai faz e r campanha pelo partido no poder
66%
80%
60%
40%
51%
40%
26%
20%
0%
Sem acesso
Acesso a
informação
Luanda
Sem acesso
Acesso a
informação
Outras Províncias
As rádios privadas vão faze r campanha por algum
partido político
80%
60%
40%
20%
0%
59%
43%
32%
17%
Sem acesso
Acesso a
informação
Luanda
Sem acesso
Acesso a
informação
Outras Províncias
O s jornais privados vão faze r campanha por algum
partido político
57%
60%
43%
35%
40%
15%
20%
0%
Sem acesso
Acesso a
informação
Sem acesso
Acesso a
informação
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IRI Report
Chapter 12
tend to have less sense of what issues relate to information than those with access to
information.
Close to 66% of respondents with access to information in Luanda believe mass media will
campaign in favor of the party in office, thus declaring their clear lack of confidence that
these organizations will present a non-biased approach in their work. In other provinces there
is a lower proportion, but not less significant, with 47% as to radio and 40% as to TV, the
TPA. We can also see
Proporção de respostas indecisas sobre o papel dos orgãos de
here that the sense that the
comunicação social nas próximas eleições
media will not be biased
Acesso à
Durante as Eleições…
Sem Acesso
Total
increases with access to
Informação
A rádio do estatal vai fazer campanha pelo partido
information, in spite of
51%
20%
41%
no poder
the difference among
A TPA vai fazer campanha pelo partido no poder
51%
19%
41%
groups
with
limited
access
and
with
access
to
As rádios privadas vão fazer campanha por algum
60%
25%
50%
partido político
information
being
Os jornais privados vão fazer campanha por algum
relatively
smaller
(close
61%
26%
51%
partido político
to 5% in Luanda and 6%
Não sabe se vai confiar naquilo que os jornalistas
45%
23%
37%
in the other provinces).
mostram, dizem ou escrevem
Total
54%
23%
44%
In
relatively
smaller
proportions, opinions expressed by private mass media organizations are similar. In Luanda,
at least 57% of respondents in the most privileged group – access to information – believe
that private agencies will campaign for a political party. In other provinces the perception is
lower (varying from 32% as to radio and 35% as to newspapers).
Confiança nos Jornalistas como Provedores de
Informação Segundo Acesso à Informação:
Durante a fase das eleições…
Não vai confiar/Vai confiar pouco naquilo que os jornalistas mostram,
dizem ou escrevem
80%
62%
60%
60%
39%
50%
40%
20%
0%
Sem acesso
Acesso a informação
Luanda
Sem acesso
Acesso a informação
Outras Províncias
Não Sabe se vai confiar naquilo que os jornalistas
mostram, dizem ou escrevem
60%
52%
50%
34%
40%
30%
27%
18%
20%
10%
0%
Sem acesso
Acesso a informação
Luanda
Judging by the differential between
expressed perceptions towards public
and private organizations, mainly in
Luanda where the access to private
organizations is more generalized
(close to 7% to 9% higher that public
organizations), we can conclude that
private organizations are relatively
more neutral in the information they
disseminate.
Sem acesso
Acesso a informação
The level of trust respondents have in
journalists is substantially lower.
Sixty percent of the respondents with
access to information in Luanda and
50% in the other provinces say they
will not trust or will have very little
confidence in whatever reporters
show, say or write. This group’s
opinion is especially important
because it regularly uses the
information produced by journalists.
Outras Províncias
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IRI Report
Chapter 12
Another important group of citizens said they were undecided because they don’t know
whether they will trust the information presented by journalists: 18% in Luanda and 34% in
the other provinces. The contrast by geographic area is more obvious since the level of
uncertainty in the other provinces was twice as large as that in Luanda, with a general
decrease when moving from the group without access to information to those with access to
information.
Neutralidade da Comunicação Social Segundo
Escolaridade:
If we take into account the
Durante a fase das eleições…
level of distrust that citizens
A rádio estatal vai fazer campanha pelo partido no poder
place in the work produced
by journalists and their
80%
61%
quality as providers of
60%
48%
47%
information on one hand, and
29%
40%
on the other their lack of
20%
neutrality (private or public
0%
mass media organizations),
Analfabetos/Iº Nível
Médio/Universitário
Analfabetos/Iº Nível
Médio/Universitário
simultaneous
access
to
Luanda Outras Províncias
different organizations is
vital in triangulating the
A TPA vai fazer campanha pelo partido no poder
sources of information and
verifying the veracity of the
80%
62%
information received by the
50%
60%
44%
individual.
28%
40%
However, in a prospective
approach, the results above
also suggest that due to
several factors that impact
access to information, some
readily indicated above, any
strategy
to
disseminate
information
during
the
electoral process that strives
to be as comprehensive as
possible must concentrate on
the radio. Still, access to
radio in other provinces is
still not generalized as can be
observed in the next table. In
Luanda only about 18% of
respondents do not listen to
the radio but in the other
provinces the proportion is
almost half (47%). Almost
half the population living in
the other provinces would be
excluded from direct access
to information disseminated
by mass media.
20%
0%
Analfabetos/Iº Nível
Nível
Médio/Universitário
Luanda
Analfabetos/Iº Nível
Nível
Médio/Universitário
Outras Províncias
As rádios privadas vão fazer campanha por algum partido
político
60%
50%
40%
30%
20%
10%
0%
55%
43%
32%
17%
Analfabetos/Iº Nível
Nível
Médio/Universitário
Luanda
Analfabetos/Iº Nível
Nível
Médio/Universitário
Outras Províncias
Os jornais privados vão fazer campanha por algum partido
político
69%
80%
60%
60%
54%
37%
40%
20%
0%
Analfabetos/Iº Nível
Nível Médio/Universitário
Luanda
Analfabetos/Iº Nível
Nível Médio/Universitário
Outras Províncias
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IRI Report
Chapter 12
Role of Mass Media in the Next Elections by Formal Education Level
The analysis of the respondents’ sense of mass media neutrality based on level of formal
education shows similar results to those
Quantas vezes acompanha notícias/debates no
obtained with the same type of analysis
rádio por semana?
based on access to information. Thus, the
Outras
sense that the media lacks neutrality in
Luanda
Total
provincias
dealing with issues related to the next
1 vez
13%
9%
10%
electoral process increases with the
2 vezes
27%
12%
18%
individual’s level of education. Contrasts
Todos os
43%
32%
36%
dias
between public and private mass media
Não ouve
18%
47%
37%
organizations in Luanda versus those in
Total
100%
100%
100%
other provinces are still noticeable. In
Efectivo
1,482
2,677
4,159
Luanda, for example, at least 61% of
respondents who have at least a middle school education level believe public mass media
organizations will campaign for the party in office. In the other provinces this proportion is
lower, varying from close to 44% to 47%, making up a differential that reaches 18 percentile
points (TPA).
Confiança nos Jornalistas como Provedores de
Informação Segundo Escolaridade:
As
to
private
media
communication,
the
trend
is
Durante a fase das eleições…
not so uniform. In the case of
Não vai confiar/vai confiar pouco naquilo que os
private radios, 55% of
jornalistas mostram, dizem ou escrevem
citizens in Luanda who have
at least a middle school
80%
69%
education compared to 42%
60%
54%
60%
in other provinces with the
37%
same
level
of
formal
40%
education believe private
20%
radio stations will campaign
for specific political parties.
0%
Analfabetos/Iº Nível
Médio/Universitário
Analfabetos/Iº Nível
Médio/Universitário
In this case, the difference
between Luanda and other
Luanda Outras Províncias
provinces surpasses figures
for private organizations (23
Não sabe se vai confiar naquilo que os jornalistas mostram,
dizem ou escrevem
percentile points). As to
private newspapers, 69% of
60%
the most privileged group in
49%
47%
50%
Luanda and 60% in the other
40%
29%
provinces believe private
30%
19%
newspapers will have to
20%
remain neutral in the next
10%
electoral process. Here, the
0%
Analfabetos/Iº Nível
Médio/Universitário
Analfabetos/Iº Nível
Médio/Universitário
contrast per geographic area
is reduced substantially (close
Luanda Outras Províncias
to 9 percentile points),
revealing greater balance among citizens as to the lack of neutrality of private newspapers.
As a matter of fact, in this case the levels of perception surpass 50%.
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IRI Report
Chapter 12
Considering the levels of perception among respondents from Luanda, the most privileged
group (those with at least middle school level), are those individuals who reached the highest
levels of mistrust on one hand, and on the other, possessed the most regular access to private
mass media organizations, one can conclude that private newspapers are considered the least
neutral organizations, while private radios are considered the most neutral.
The level of confidence that citizens place in the work of journalists, based on their own level
of formal education, is also quite low, relatively lesser when the analysis of the neutrality of
journalists is based solely on access to information. Despite the ideas of educated individuals
– up to, at least middle school – the proportion of respondents who say they will not trust or
will trust very little what journalists say, show or write, reached close to 69% in Luanda (60%
in the other provinces). In this same analysis, the access to information proportion decreased
in Luanda and in the other provinces by close to 10 percentile points. The conviction as to
mistrust of the work of journalists increases when passing from a limited approach to access
to information to an approach involving the level of formal schooling. This contrast
highlights – taking into account the significant level of illiteracy and low level of generalized
schooling – the debate of the risks of subjecting an important part of the voting population to
mistrusted information or even misinformation.
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IRI Report
Chapter 13
CHAPTER 13. SOCIOECONOMIC POLICY ISSUES THAT SHAPE POLITICAL
CAMPAIGNS
This section identifies critical developmental issues important to the population and can
become the target of political debates and developing programs for voters and political
campaigns.
The respondents were asked to identify the five socioeconomic issues that concern them the
most from a series of 14 thematic areas. Disaggregate results per domain of study show that
food, health, shelter, displacement by war, social return to mainstream, and water supply are
collectively the five most important issues. In the case of Luanda, corruption is more
important than shelter.
Respostas %
Dominio de estudo
Luanda
Cinco
questoes
mais
importante
s
Alimentação/ome/agricultura
Saúde/Sida
Habitação
Deslocados de guerra/reinserção socia
Abastecimento de แgua
Corrupção/desvio de fundos
Segurança pública
Lei de terras/posse de terras
Emprego/desemprego/salários
Transportes p๚blicos
Estradas
Educação
Direitos Humanos
Minas
Total
16.5
11.3
9.0
10.8
9.5
10.5
7.3
5.1
5.7
2.1
4.2
3.6
2.3
1.9
100.0
Total
Outras provincias
17.6
10.2
10.2
7.7
7.3
6.0
6.9
6.4
5.7
6.6
5.0
4.6
3.4
2.5
100.0
17.2
10.6
9.7
8.9
8.1
7.6
7.0
5.9
5.7
5.0
4.7
4.3
3.0
2.3
100.0
A second question asked to identify the most important issue among these. Respondents
were asked to select priorities among the five they had previously selected. The results were
as follows:
•
•
•
•
•
Food, 23,3%;
Health/AIDS, 19,6%;
Employment/unemployment, 12,5%;
Education, 7,5%;
Water supply, 6,1%.
Interestingly enough, issues of employment and education tend to be priority issues for the
individual instead of the collective selection of shelter, displacement by war and return to
mainstream society. Regarding the most important thematic areas described above, the
respondents gave their opinion on the most problematic aspects that that thematic area
entailed. The analysis below will cover only these thematic areas.
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IRI Report
Chapter 13
13.1
Food
Food security means availability of necessary resources to produce, exchange or purchase the
food needed to guarantee survival and maintain healthy individuals and collective conditions.
The survey served to collect a set of indicators of how respondents perceive food supply,
food prices, private investment and public policy, food security and humanitarian food
assistance.
The table below aggregates a set of issues that impact food security in the household by
domain of study. When asked about food sufficiency per month, 80 in 100 respondents said
the food they buy, produce or receive as donation barely covers food needs for one week. The
greatest lack of food security was seen in the province of Uíge, 88.4% of respondents.
The respondents were shown a list of basic foods and asked to identify for which of them did
they see a greater need. The foods that are more difficult to find are meat and fish, in other
words, animal protein. In Uíge, 74 of every 100 respondent in Lunda Sul, 69 in 100
respondents have difficulties throughout the month accessing animal protein.
Alimentação - questões específicas
Col %
Dominio de estudo: Total
Luanda
Outras provincias
Segurança alimentar do agregado familiar
Os alimentos que compra/produz/recebe de doação são suficientes
para um mês ?
menos de 1 semana
1-2 semanas
3-4 semanas
Na sua opinião os preços dos alimentos são ?
muito caros
caros
mais ou menos
baratos
78.9
15.8
5.3
81.9
12.5
5.6
81.2
13.3
5.5
50
40.8
7
2.2
55.5
37.4
4.3
2.8
54.1
38.2
5
2.7
Que tipo de alimentos faltam mais vezes durante o mês ?
carne/peixe
58.6
57.5
57.7
leite
23.8
20.5
21.3
cereais
11.9
9.2
9.9
açucar
4.4
6.7
6.1
sal
1.3
6.1
5.0
Most respondents believe food is very expensive. The largest perception that food is
expensive is found in the provinces of Lunda Sul (72.1%), Huambo (61.7%) and Huíla
(59.5%).
As to food security for a household, we can certainly say that in general, people believe that
there is very little food security, which translates into limited monthly food availability, high
prices and lack of access to a certain food groups – the necessary protein for human
development and growth.
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IRI Report
Chapter 13
The table below aggregates issues on public policies and private investment that impacts food
security disaggregated by domain of study.
Respondents were asked about the investment of Angolan businessmen in farming and
fisheries. Half of the respondents believed businessmen did not invest in anything. This same
belief was the most prevalent in the other provinces. The provinces of Lunda Sul (74,2%),
Benguela (65,3%), and Huambo (57,9%), have a more negative perception of national
investment in agriculture and fisheries.
As to government support for the farming sector, in the sense of increase of food production,
most of the respondents have a negative perception, 76 of every 100. The provinces of Lunda
Sul (82,5%), Uíge (80,9%) and Huambo (79,6%), are among the provinces where negative
perceptions of government support prevail, which is not enough to increase food production.
Alimentação - questões específicas
Col %
Dominio de estudo: Total
Luanda
Outras províncias
Políticas públicas e investimento privado nacional
Os empresãrios nacionais investem na agricultura e nas pessoas ?
nada
33.2
55.7
50.1
mais ou menos
34.1
25
27.3
pouco
29.1
15.8
19.1
Muito
3.6
3.6
3.6
Os apoios do governo á agricultura são suficientes para aumentar a
produção alimentar ?
Não
76.4
76.1
76.2
Nใo sei
9.6
12.8
12
Sim
14
11.1
11.8
A produção dos pequenos produtores é suficiente para resolver as
necessidades do país ?
Não
85.1
83.4
83.8
Nใo sei
4.8
11
9.5
Sim
10.1
5.6
6.7
As lojas/comerciantes rurais e os créditos/vales são suficientes para os
agricultores e pescadores venderem seus produtos e comprarem o que
precisam ?
Não
Nใo sei
Sim
62.4
20.8
16.8
56.7
35.1
8.1
58.1
31.7
10.2
On the other hand, most respondents, 83 of every 100, say that production by small farmers is
not enough to solve the country’s nutritional problems.
Respondents were asked if rural stores, shop owners and credit were enough for farmers and
fishermen to sell their produce and catch, and almost 58 of every 100 believe it is not. Close
to 72.1; 68.3; 62.4 and 57.9% respondents from Uíge, Lunda Sul, Luanda and Benguela
believe the stores and shop owners are not enough to trade their products.
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IRI Report
Chapter 13
One inference is that support for food production is inefficient, as evidenced by low private
investment, low rural commercial credit, limited farm incentive policies and the fact that
small scale farmers on their own do not have the capacity to supply the internal market.
The table below aggregates a set of issues about food assistance and its impact on individual
and collective behavior disaggregated by domain of study.
Food distribution made by PAM did not keep most farmers from growing their food,
according to 69 of every 100 respondents. On the other hand, 54.7 and 51.5% of respondents
from the provinces of Luanda and Uíge believe that many people got used to waiting for food
assistance and not working, whereas 65.4 and 55.7% of respondents from the provinces of
Huambo and Benguela believe that phenomena does not happen. There is greater self-esteem
and independence among respondents from the other provinces compared to respondents
from Luanda who believe that food dependency was something purposely created.
Most of the respondents from the provinces of Benguela, Uíge and Malange said that food
assistance does not always arrive on time or to the people and the places where it is
necessary.
In conclusion, there is a generalized perception that food distribution does not have a
negative impact on the capacity of agriculture producers to work, although there is the
perception that half of the population has fallen into food dependency. At the same time,
there is the perception that the PAM is inefficient and that it doesn’t get the food support
provided when it is necessary.
Alimentação - questões específicas
Col %
Dominio de estudo: Total
Luanda
Outras províncias
Ajuda alimentar
A distribuição dos alimentos que o PAM fez/faz com que muitos
produtores agricultores deixassem de produzir?
Não
72.1
68.3
69.2
Nใo sei
11.4
17.1
15.7
Sim
16.6
14.6
15.1
Muitas pessoas habituaram-se a ficar á espera de receber a ajuda
alimentar sem trabalharem?
Não
38.7
51.8
48.6
Sim
54.7
33.9
38.9
Nใo sei
6.7
14.3
12.4
A ajuda alimentar nem sempre chega a tempo แs pessoas e aos lugares
onde é necessária ?
Sim
65.2
55
57.4
Não
23.2
31
29.1
Nใo sei
11.6
14
13.4
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IRI Report
Chapter 13
13.2
Health and AIDS
Health Services
Specific questions about health and AIDS were posed to respondents to understand how they
felt about the work done by the government.
As to health, almost 48% of respondents believe the government is doing enough to improve
the quality of health services. But, there are close to 40% who believe the contrary, while the
remaining 12% have no opinion on the subject. Thus, the opinions are in equilibrium, to a
certain degree. The analysis of different population groups or residence areas gives us a better
idea of the possible disparities.
The issue of to assistance to the poor also shows a balance in the responses. There are close
to 50% who believe that the poor have not had due assistance in hospitals, compared to 41%
who think the contrary and 9% who do not know how to respond.
Provinces
Table: Sufficient Assistance form the Government to Improve Health Services
Response
Yes
No
Don’t know
Total responses
Total
respondents
Huambo Benguela Malange
Uíge
Lunda Sul
Huíla
Luanda
Total
29
48
23
100
40
48
12
100
48
27
25
100
Percentages
67
57
30
25
2
8
100
100
65
27
8
100
46
46
8
100
48
40
12
100
97
52
52
43
117
313
723
49
The most populated provinces (Luanda, Benguela and Huambo) show a strong negative
perception of the government’s efforts to improve health services. This considered, the small
numbers that responded in each of the provinces (except Luanda) are representative of overall
provincial responses.
The respondents in the provinces believe that the assistance to the poor receive is not the
same across the board. The table below shows more details:
Table: Lack of Support to the Poor in the Public Hospitals, by Province
Lunda
Total
Huíla
Response Huambo Benguela Malange Uíge
Luanda
Sul
Percentages
Yes
68
35
39
42
41
67
45
41
No
23
61
53
46
29
26
49
50
Don’t know
9
4
8
12
31
7
7
9
Total
100
100
100
100
100
100
100
100
responses
Total
97
51
51
43
49
116
314
721
respondents
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IRI Report
Chapter 13
The provinces of Huambo (close to 68%) and Huíla (close to 67%) stand out because of their
sense of a lack of government support of the poor in public hospitals. In contrast, the
respondents from Benguela (close to 61%) from Malange (close to 53%) and Luanda (where
almost one in two respondents, 49%) believe the poor do not receive due assistance.
Area of Residence
The analysis per residence area shows the same trends in the different areas. Rural areas show
a greater number of respondents who believe there is not enough support given to the poor
when they are sick and admitted to public hospitals.
Crossing this variable (lack of support towards the poor in public hospitals) with self
assessment of poverty (very poor, poor, improved, more or less rich) shows unanimity among
all categories of poverty; on average, 54% of respondent states the poor are not supported
when they go to public hospitals.
Table: Lack of Support for the Poor in the Public Hospitals, by Area of Residence
Degree of difficulty
Yes
No
Don’t know
Total responses
Total respondents
Rural Suburban Urban
Percentages
52
49
50
33
46
42
15
5
8
100
100
100
207
348
166
Total
50
41
9
100
721
AIDS
Close to 86% of respondents say AIDS is a very big health problem in Angola. Close to 3%
believe the contrary and close to 9% have no understanding of AIDS. By age group, the
younger the respondent, the greater the awareness that AIDS is a serious problem in Angola.
The table below shows the detail of proportions.
Table: AIDS is a Very Big Health Problem in Angola, by Age Group
18-25
26-33
34-41
42-49
50-59 60+ years
Total
years old years old years old years old years old
old
Percentages
Yes
92
91
90
85
80
75
89
No
2
2
3
5
2
3
2
Don’t know
6
7
7
10
18
9
22
Total responses
100
100
100
100
100
100
100
Total respondents
201
199
140
94
51
32
721
Response
It is also remarkable that a percentage of adults over 60 years old (close to 22%) do not know
that AIDS constitutes a very serious health problem in and of itself.
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IRI Report
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Total responses by gender show that both sexes are aware of the gravity of AIDS. It also
stands out that close to 11% of men do not know that AIDS is a serious health problem
compared to 7% of women. Between both sexes, 3% believe AIDS is not a serious health
problem.
The level of formal education also indicates greater knowledge of the severity of the problem.
Illiterates (close to 64%), students of Level I (close to 84%) and university graduates or
students (close to 89%) are the groups that represent the lowest percentages. The largest
percentage is recorded in middle education, with close to 96% of respondents. Close to 11%
of university students or graduates do not know that AIDS is a serious health problem. The
same holds true for 12% of Level I respondents.
The Government and the Fight against AIDS
Close to 54% of the respondents believe the government is doing enough to fight AIDS in
Angola. Close to 27% disagree, thinking the government is not doing enough. Close to 20%
do not have an opinion.
The tendencies are the same in the provinces. The difference lies in the percentage of
respondents that does not know if the government is doing enough to combat AIDS in
Angola. The province of Huambo represents the largest number of respondents in this
situation, at close to 48%. The province of Luanda stands out with close to 37% of
respondents believing the government is not doing enough to combat AIDS.
The following table details respondents’ opinion on Government performance related to
combating AIDS.
Table: The Government is Doing Enough to Combat AIDS in Angola
Response
Yes
No
Don’t know
Total
responses
Total
respondents
Huambo Benguela Malange
Uíge
Lunda
Sul
Huíla
58
6
35
62
18
20
55
37
7
54
27
20
Luanda
Total
35
17
48
54
29
17
44
25
31
Percentages
68
25
31
100
100
100
100
100
100
100
100
98
52
52
40
48
117
312
719
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IRI Report
Chapter 13
13.3
Employment
In light of the next elections, a series of survey questions dealing with issues of national
socio-economics were posed to determine the prevailing situation in these sectors. One sector
is employment.
With a population that is essentially young (half is at least 32 years old), with limited formal
education levels (35% are illiterate or only have 4 years of formal education), without access
to information and with increasing informal market economics in urban and suburban areas,
toppled by massive exodus of rural populations towards the urban sectors, employment is in
crisis as the survey clearly indicates. This information is contained in the following graph:
Em Percentagem
Percepção dos Cidadãos sobre a Situação no Mercado
do Emprego
100
90
80
70
60
50
40
30
20
10
0
Os jovens são os M uita gente está no Hoje em dia ter
As políticas do
emprego não
informal porque
governo não criam mais prejudicados
não há empregos resolve. Os salários
na obtenção de
empregos
são baixos
empregos
In all of the questions posed (regarding efficiency of public policies in creating employment,
the age groups most impacted by unemployment, availability of employment in the informal
sector and level of wages) the responses were unanimous. In terms of efficiency of public
policies towards the employment sector, 70% of respondents believe the government has
been unable to stimulate job creation. Close to 90% believe youth suffer the most due to
unemployment. An alternative would be found in the formal market, but when jobs are
available, the paramount problem becomes low wages.
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IRI Report
Chapter 13
The table below shows the responses regarding employment as disaggregated by Luanda and
other provinces, where the problem of job creation is evidently structural and where no
significant differences are recorded among respondents. The exception would be a more
negative perception among the people of Luanda about the inability of public policies for job
creation.
Col %
Dominio de estudo
Luanda
As políticas do governo está
ajudar a criar muitos
empregos
77.8%
63.8%
70.9%
Sim
14.2%
21.7%
17.9%
8.0%
14.6%
11.3%
Sim
95.3%
87.6%
91.5%
Não
3.9%
10.0%
6.9%
.8%
2.4%
1.6%
Não
94.6%
86.6%
90.6%
Sim
5.0%
9.5%
7.2%
Não sei
O desemprego só acontece
para quem não quer trabalhar
porque há muitos empregos
Não sei
Muitas pessoas estão no
informal, a vender na rua
porque não há empregos
.4%
4.0%
2.1%
Sim
93.0%
91.3%
92.2%
Não
6.2%
5.9%
6.1%
Não sei
Hoje em dia ter emprego não
resolve o problema pois os
salários são baixos
.8%
2.8%
1.8%
Sim
79.1%
65.7%
72.5%
Não
17.8%
25.2%
21.5%
3.1%
9.1%
6.1%
Não sei
13.4
Total
Não
Não sei
Os jovens é que são os mais
prejudicados para obter um
emprego
Outras
provincias
Education
There is strong empirical evidence that political reforms achieve better results when there is
strong support of education.
Although the right of children to have access to education is recognized internationally, this
is far from being true in Angola. The coverage capacity of an education system is strongly
influenced by the following factors:
•
•
Household well-being, which in turn depends on several socioeconomic variables
(demand viewpoint), and
Internal factors to the education system, such as sufficient availability of schools at all
levels and internal efficiency of the system. If the system does not have enough
capacity to absorb students, the number of children outside the education system will
be greater, (supply viewpoint).
Respondents answered questions about access to school, the phenomenon of “informal”
expenses for education by families, the role of the Parent Committees and the quality of
education provided.
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IRI Report
Chapter 13
The problem of low access to schools is greater in the other provinces according to 60 of
every 100 respondents. In the provinces of Huíla, Uíge, Benguela and Huambo, over half of
respondents say the schools in their region are not enough. The proportion of respondents
who say there is an insufficient number of schools in their area is higher in rural areas (at
62.6%).
The perception of informal payments to teachers and public school administrators for
education services, a form of corruption, in a country where the Constitution gives citizens
the right to free primary education, is greater among respondents in Luanda at 75 of every
100. This negative perception is most evident in suburban and urban areas with 64.8 and 54%
respectively. This type of perception is much more prevalent in Benguela than in Luanda.
The lack of education for students in public schools, or the bad quality of education, was
mentioned by a large majority of the respondents from the following provinces: Huambo
(76.5%), Huíla (66.7%), Luanda (64.6%). Close to 70.5% of respondents from urban areas
believe students are not being educated in the public schools; there is a perception of bad
teaching quality.
As to the role of the Parent Committees as an institutional mechanism for complaints, most
respondents in the provinces of Luanda, Uíge, Huambo and Benguela believe the Parent
Committees do not work. Close to 62.3% of urban respondents believe that country
commissions do not work.
Col %
Dominio de estudo
Luanda
Outras
provincias
Total
Na minha região/área não há Sim
escolas suficientes para todos Não
os alunos
Não sei
46.5%
60.0%
55.4%
51.5%
37.4%
42.2%
2.0%
2.6%
2.4%
Os professores e a
administração da escola
pedem muito dinheiro
Sim
75.0%
35.5%
48.8%
Não
15.0%
47.2%
36.4%
Não sei
10.0%
17.3%
14.8%
Os alunos não estão aprender Sim
muito/ter conhecimentos nas Não
escolas públicas
Não sei
64.6%
54.6%
58.0%
29.3%
24.7%
26.3%
6.1%
20.6%
15.7%
As comissões de pais que
deveriam servir para
apresentar queixas e
reclamações não funcionam
69.7%
45.5%
53.8%
7.1%
34.6%
25.2%
23.2%
19.9%
21.0%
Sim
Não sei
Não
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Chapter 13
13.5
Water Supply
A healthy supply of drinking water is essential for the well-being of the populations. The
analysis centers on accessibility, cost of access and source of supply for rural areas.
The largest number of respondents who state that the price of water is too high for families
who live in the suburbs is recorded in the provinces of Luanda (90.9%), Benguela (87.9) and
Uíge (62.5%). The first inference is the weak formal water supply system provided by public
utility companies; this obliges households to use alternative sources of water supply,
purchasing the precious liquid from private cisterns and other sources.
Respondents from the provinces of Huambo (100%), Uíge (62.5%) and Luanda (59.2%)
believe the problem with water supply to the cities is not due to users not being charged for
services, but for lack of payment by users. A very high percentage of respondentsfrom the
other provinces (65%) do not have an opinion on the matter.
All respondents from Huambo and over 80% of respondents from the provinces of Benguela
(85.2%), Luanda (81.1%), and Lunda Sul (80%) represent that the administration and NGOs
have not drilled holes or wells in their villages or municipalities. According to the data in the
survey, the problem with water is greatest in urban and suburban areas.
Col %
Dominio de estudo
Luanda
Outras
provincias
Total
O preço da água é muito alto Sim
para as famílias que vivem no Não sei
suburbio
Não
90.8%
62.0%
78.0%
2.0%
26.6%
13.0%
7.1%
11.4%
9.0%
O problema da água nas
cidades é por causa da falta
de cobrança do consumo de
água pois muitos cidadãos
A administração e as ONG´s
construiram furos e poços na
nossa vila
Não
59.8%
25.6%
44.6%
Não sei
13.4%
61.5%
34.9%
Sim
26.8%
12.8%
20.6%
Não
80.9%
63.8%
73.0%
Sim
16.0%
22.5%
19.0%
3.2%
13.8%
8.0%
Não sei
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IRI Report
Chapter 14
CHAPTER 14. GENDER AND POLITICAL PARTICIPATION
Gender analysis in political participation is timely for several reasons. The end of the war
offers us several worthwhile challenges, such as national reconciliation and the rebuilding of
trust in institutions in order to give Angolans a greater sense of participation of political life.
At the same time, social partners also need to improve their understanding of perceptions of
political life and the importance of gender issues.
The different perceptions of elections and political participation of men and women can help
in the overall understanding of political culture in Angola, at the same time evidencing the
type of differences in perceptions and expectations for each.
14.1
Gender and Perception of Political Participation
Respondents were asked if the number of women in government, at the National Assembly
and in the Administration was high, medium or low. This question sought to elicit
perceptions of political participation. The generalized opinion between men and women is
that it is neither high nor average, according to the following table. The results per domain of
study do not show great differences.
Col %
Sexo
Homem
Em sua opinião, o número
Alto
de mulheres no governo,
Médio
parlamento/Assembleia
nacional na administração é? Baixo
Normal
Não sei
Total
Mulher
Total
4.5%
4.7%
4.6%
11.0%
10.3%
10.6%
46.0%
47.4%
46.7%
18.6%
13.6%
16.1%
19.9%
24.0%
21.9%
100.0%
100.0%
100.0%
The following table shows the level of political participation by gender. Women are more
likely to show lower political participation levels than men. In a way, the data in this table
confirms the generalized perception that women participate less.
Col %
Sexo
Homem
Se é membro ou
simpatizante de um partido,
está disponível para
trabalhar para as eleições?
Total
Mulher
Sim
69.5%
56.9%
Não
12.8%
19.3%
Não sei
17.7%
23.8%
100.0%
100.0%
Another indicator of political participation is the predisposition of respondents to be invited
and to accept and invitation to become candidates for a political appointment. The results
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IRI Report
Chapter 14
show that women are relatively less available than men. The response profile here is valid for
the two domains of the study, Luanda and other provinces. At the same time, more educated
women are more likely to accept political appointments than women without formal
education. Women, as members or sympathizers of a political party, are less available to
work for the elections than men, as shown by the table below.
Gender and Level of Political Participation (Likelihood to Vote in the Next Elections)
The following table shows there is a significant willingness to participate and vote in the next
elections: 74% of the men and 66.1% of the women. The numbers are encouraging because
they show interest by both groups to vote in the next elections. These numbers suggest,
equally, that the likelihood that women will participate in the electoral process remains the
same as in 1992.
The data shows that one fifth of the men and one fourth of the women were undecided about
voting in the next elections, “still don’t know”.
Gender and Level of Political Participation
Gender
Total
Men
Women
NUMBER
% NUMBER
% NUMBER
Will vote in
the next
elections?
Total
14.2
Yes
No
Don’t
know
1,520
123
74.0
6.0
412 20.0
2,055 100.0
1,313
138
66.1
6.9
536 27.0
1,987 100.0
2,833
261
%
70.1
6.5
948 23.5
4,042 100.0
Gender and Women’s Votes
The table below shows what men and women think about the act of voting a woman into
public office. In the case of male respondents, they seem to vote inversely to the level of
importance of “decision making” and “political participation”. In other words, the higher the
public appointment in the hierarchy, the less the men are comfortable in voting for a woman.
The male perception regarding voting trends indicates that men feel more comfortable voting
for women for positions in civil society, such as “union leaders” (65%) and “association
leaders”(72%) than for the presidency (35.2%). All in all, there is openness on the part of at
least half of the men interviewed, except in the case of a female candidacy for president.
However, men interviewed remain open to seeing a woman in several political appointments.
In general, the women interviewed place more trust in women taking on a presidential
position (51.7%), a congresswoman position (72.2%) or an administrative appointment
(67.7%). The data indicates that among women, females have higher self esteem and
confidence that other women can occupy the same positions as men in the political arena.
The analysis of the data disaggregated by age group shows that younger respondents, men
and women, are more comfortable with candidates from older generations, generational
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IRI Report
Chapter 14
differences between women are less than those between men, and there is greater awareness
between women about voting for women for all age groups. Further, over half of illiterate
men would not vote for women for political office, while illiterate women would.
The analysis per domain of study shows the respondents from Luanda have a more liberal
posture for accepting a woman occupying a political role than respondents from other
provinces. Rural respondents are less open to voting for women for public office than their
urban or suburban counterparts.
Conclusions indicate that political parties that have a greater number of women candidates in
their political campaigns can conquer an important sector of voters that strongly identifies
with women in public positions.
14.3
Gender and Perceptions
Votaria numa mulher para:
Dominio de estudo
Luanda
Count
Total
Outras provincias
Col %
Count
Col %
Count
Col %
Presidente da
República
Sim
846
57.0%
919
35.7%
1765
43.5%
Não
638
43.0%
1658
64.3%
2296
56.5%
Deputado
Sim
1220
82.2%
1557
60.0%
2777
68.0%
Não
265
17.8%
1040
40.0%
1305
32.0%
Sim
1171
78.9%
1315
50.8%
2486
61.1%
Não
313
21.1%
1272
49.2%
1585
38.9%
Sim
1267
85.3%
1597
61.7%
2864
70.3%
Não
218
14.7%
992
38.3%
1210
29.7%
Sim
1301
87.6%
1587
61.3%
2888
70.9%
Não
184
12.4%
1002
38.7%
1186
29.1%
Lider de associação Sim
1330
89.8%
1679
65.0%
3009
74.1%
Não
151
10.2%
903
35.0%
1054
25.9%
Governador
Administrador
Líder de sindicato
Obtaining Public Services
Difficulties in obtaining government services mirror the workings of the institutions in
providing services to the population. The perception of men and women points to specific
difficulties that people face in obtaining these services. From the onset there is evidence of a
strong leaning that women respond differently than men, if we take into account the social
division of labor and more time spent on domestic activities. The data reveals an identical
perception between the sexes regarding issues related to the provision of services: issuance of
identification documents was considered “difficult” for 42.6% of men and 44.1% of women.
Social services, such as admittance to hospitals, and other health related and educational
services do not point to substantial differences between the groups, once those services were
described as “inefficient” and of “difficult access.” While there may be, at a household level,
unique perceptions by gender as to the aforementioned types of service, the general
perception underscores government inefficiency.
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IRI Report
Chapter 14
Gender and Political Affiliation
The following table shows respondents’ political affiliation: both men and women are
sympathizers of a political party in the same proportion within the universe of the sample,
standing at 18%. It can be noted that a high percentage of women (61.9%) has no political
affiliation, while the men seem to be more active than women, with 21.6% militancy
compared to 11.6% for women. The results mirror, to a certain extent, the gender disparities
in Angolan society: the fact that men have a greater degree of political affiliation than women
results from men having more time to dedicate to public life because they do not have the
time constraints brought on by domestic activities. Additionally, this disparity may be caused
by a lack of interest on the part of women actively involved in the political sphere because
have not yet been completely accepted, nor their concerns heeded by political decision
makers.
Gender and Political Affiliation
Gender
Men
NUMBER
Political affiliation
Sympathizer
Militant
former militant
Former militant
No political link
Total
Total
Women
% NUMBER
390 18.9
445 21.6
151
7.3
101
4.9
976 47.3
2,063 100.0
366
232
81
82
1,234
1,995
% NUMBER
18.3
11.6
4.1
4.1
61.9
100.0
756
677
232
183
2,210
4,058
%
18.6
16.7
5.7
4.5
54.5
100.0
Perception of Local Elections in a Gender Perspective
Perception of the importance of local elections mirrors the understanding of “local politics”
on the part of respondents as a sampling of the larger population. The table highlights that a
significant number of respondents of both genders lack knowledge of local elections: 30.5%
of the men and 42.1% of the women. This demonstrates that respondents are generally
uninformed on local elections. The table also shows a greater proportion of respondents –
35.6% men and 28.7% women – stating that “local elections are as important as national
elections”. This means that there are no significant differences in perception of local election
issues related to the gender of respondents.
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IRI Report
Chapter 14
Perception of Local Elections from a gender perspective
Local
elections
are:
Gender
Men
No.
More important than
national elections
%
%
No.
%
425
20.9
368
18.5
793
19.7
As important as
national elections
724
35.6
571
28.7
1,295
32.2
Less important than
national elections
206
10.1
156
7.8
362
9.0
58
2.9
57
2.9
115
2.9
620
30.5
837
42.1
1,457
36.2
2,033
100.
0
1,989
100.
0
4,022
100.0
Are not necessary
Don’t know
Total
Total
Women
No.
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IRI Report
Attachments
ATTACHMENTS
S ex o
F req uen cy
V alid
M iss ing
P erce nt
V alid P erc en t
H om em
2091
48,6
M ulh er
2025
T ota l
4116
184
4, 3
4300
100, 0
S yst em
T o ta l
C u m ula tiv e
P erce nt
50 , 8
50,8
47,1
49 , 2
100, 0
95,7
10 0, 0
S exo
T otal
H om em
Habi litacoes
Literarias
Mulher
C oun t
C ol %
Coun t
C ol %
I niv el
347
16,9%
37 0
18 ,9 %
71 7
17,9 %
II niv el
500
24,4%
42 7
21 ,8 %
92 7
23,1 %
II I ni vel
521
25,4%
47 1
24 ,0 %
99 2
24,7 %
M ed io
361
17,6%
25 8
13 ,2 %
61 9
15,4 %
63
3,1%
38
1, 9%
10 1
2, 5%
U niv ers itario
A nal fab eto
T otal
Count
Col %
258
12,6%
39 6
20 ,2 %
65 4
16,3 %
2050
100,0%
19 60
10 0, 0%
40 10
100, 0%
Row %
Habilitacoes Literarias
Analfabeto
Provincia
II nivel
III nivel
Medio
Universitar
io
Huambo
22.7%
23.1%
19.0%
16.2%
15.3%
3.7%
Benguela
18.9%
17.2%
22.3%
25.1%
15.1%
1.5%
Malange
34.8%
24.6%
17.6%
12.0%
10.8%
.2%
Uige
18.1%
22.6%
29.3%
17.8%
10.6%
1.6%
Lunda Sul
36.0%
20.6%
21.1%
15.2%
7.0%
Huila
13.2%
30.9%
27.0%
19.8%
8.0%
1.0%
3.7%
8.5%
24.0%
36.8%
22.4%
4.6%
16.5%
18.0%
23.1%
24.6%
15.3%
2.5%
Luanda
Tot al
I nivel
109
IRI Report
Attachments
Quantos
trabalham
em casa
Média
Provincia
Huambo
2
Benguela
2
Malange
2
Uige
2
Lunda Sul
2
Huila
2
Luanda
2
%
Provinces
Lunda
Huambo Benguela Malange Uíge Sul
Marital
Status
Total
Huíla
Luanda
Married
39.0
19.8
18.6
12.0
11.1
26.0
18.2
Single
19.8
29.3
30.2
18.7
16
21.4
33.3
Cohabitate
28.4
39.1
36.1
60.2
62.6
42.9
36.8
Widow
8.6
7
9.4
4.1
4.6
6.2
5.6
Separated
4.2
4.8
5.7
5
5.7
3.5
6.1
100
100
100
100
100
100
100
Medium sized household
per province
Province Huambo
6
Benguela
5
Malange
5
Uige
5
Lunda
Sul
5
Huila
6
Luanda
7
110
IRI Report
Attachments
Gender
Men
Women
NUMBER
%
NUMBER
%
241
262
244
196
198
232
718
2,091
51.0
54.6
51.5
51.9
53.8
48.1
49.1
50.8
232
218
230
182
170
250
743
2,025
49.0
45.4
48.5
48.1
46.2
51.9
50.9
49.2
Province
Huambo
Benguela
Malange
Uige
Lunda Sul
Huila
Luanda
Total
%
Provinces
Huambo Benguela
Native
language
Portuguese
Kimbundo
Kikongo
Nhaneca/Humbe
Umbundo
Cokwe
Ganguela
Other
Total
5.6
1.2
91.3
0.4
1.0
0.4
100
Malange
Uíge
11.7
78.2
2.5
32.6
17.1
45.6
4.3
1.4
0.2
1.6
100
3.9
49.2
0.2
0.2
50.0
0.2
0.2
100
0.8
100
Lunda
Huíla Luanda
Sul
5.2
1.8
0.5
0.3
3.4
87.7
0.8
0.3
100
14.9
1.8
0.4
11.9
62.1
2.4
6.3
0.2
100
28.4
39.2
15.6
0.1
11.6
3.0
0.6
1.5
100
%
Provinces
Huambo Benguela Malange
No
Religion Religion
Protestant
Catholic
Other
Total
1.7
28.0
50.3
20.0
100
28.5
14.4
43.7
13.4
100
4.6
24.7
60.3
10.4
100
Uíge
Lunda
Sul
2.6
46.9
38.5
12.0
100
9.8
34.0
33.5
22.7
100
Huíla
4.9
28.9
58.7
7.5
100
Luanda
10.4
26.8
40.3
22.5
100
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IRI Report
Attachments
Provinces
Huambo
Benguela
Malange
Uige
Lunda Sul
Huila
Luanda
Total
Category/
Occupation
Employee
Self Assessment of Poverty
Very
poor
Poor Improved
31.0
12.1
9.0
18.1
13.7
11.9
17.8
17.4
6.7
3.2
7.1
8.9
11.2
10.1
9.2
8.3
9.1
12.7
10.3
30.5
41.6
100.0
100.0
100.0
More or
less
6.2
4.3
6.9
15.0
6.3
14.7
46.7
100.0
Provinces
Lunda
Huambo Benguela Malange Uíge Sul
11.5
4.1
2.9 15.5
14.7
Rich
6.1
6.1
16.3
8.2
44.9
18.4
100.0
Huíla Luanda
7
10.8
20.3
20.9
15.2
23.1
17.9
16.6
16.6
Self-employed
8.4
28.6
5.2
15.5
6.8
27.5
18.8
Boss/ business owner
3.4
4.7
1.5
1.3
2.1
2.7
3.2
Farmer/peasant
36.1
12.4
57.2
26.8
33.4
18.7
1.3
Informal wager
3.8
6
3.5
0.5
8.2
1.8
7.6
Homemaker
2.5
5.8
3.3
7.5
9.2
9
8.2
Private company
employee
3.1
4.9
3.3
2.4
3.2
6.4
16
Military
2.9
1.7
1.5
4.3
2.1
1.6
2.4
Student
7.3
9.4
4.8
2.1
2.1
8
13.7
Another situation
0.6
1.5
1.5
0.8
0.3
0.6
1.4
100.0
100.0
100.0 100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
Total
112
IRI Report
Attachments
Localizacao
Rural
Periurbano
Urbano
Total
Os alimentos que
compra/produz/recebe de
doação são suficientes para um
mês
menos de 1 semana
82,1%
83,6%
73,7%
81,2%
1-2 semanas
12,5%
12,2%
17,5%
13,3%
3-4 semanas
5,4%
4,2%
8,8%
5,5%
Que tipo de alimentos faltam
mais vezes durante o mês?
carne/peixe
61,4%
55,1%
54,7%
57,7%
7,6%
10,4%
14,1%
9,9%
17,1%
25,8%
21,8%
21,3%
6,8%
5,2%
6,5%
6,1%
7,1%
3,6%
2,9%
5,0%
muito caros
60,7%
48,2%
50,9%
54,1%
caros
34,4%
42,7%
37,9%
38,2%
mais ou menos
3,4%
5,5%
7,7%
5,0%
baratos
1,5%
3,6%
3,6%
2,7%
cereais
leite
açúcar
sal
Na sua opinião os preços dos
alimentos são?
Os empresários nacionais
investem na agricultura e nas
pessoas
Muito
2,3%
4,3%
4,8%
3,6%
mais ou menos
23,4%
29,6%
31,3%
27,3%
pouco
12,5%
23,8%
24,7%
19,1%
nada
61,7%
42,3%
39,2%
50,1%
Os apoios do governo à
agricultura são suficientes para
aumentar a produção de
alimentos?
Sim
8,9%
14,0%
14,0%
11,8%
Não
78,8%
74,9%
72,5%
76,2%
Não sei
12,3%
11,0%
13,5%
12,0%
A produção dos pequenos
produtores é suficiente para
resolver as necessidades do
país?
Sim
5,1%
8,3%
7,1%
6,7%
Não
83,1%
84,3%
84,7%
83,8%
Não sei
11,8%
7,4%
8,2%
9,5%
A distribuição dos alimentos
que o PAM fez/faz com que
muitos produtores agricultores
deixassem de produzir?
Sim
11,9%
17,7%
17,2%
15,1%
Não
70,8%
69,5%
64,5%
69,2%
Não sei
17,3%
12,7%
18,3%
15,7%
Muitas pessoas habituaram-se a
ficar à espera/a receber a ajuda
alimentar sem trabalharem?
Sim
27,5%
43,7%
56,8%
38,9%
Não
56,9%
44,8%
36,7%
48,6%
Não sei
15,7%
11,5%
6,5%
12,4%
Sim
51,5%
59,4%
67,7%
57,4%
Não
35,8%
27,6%
16,2%
29,1%
Não sei
12,7%
13,0%
16,2%
13,4%
A ajuda alimentar nem sempre
chega a tempo ás pessoas e aos
lugares onde é preciso
As lojas/comerciantes rurais e
os créditos/vales são suficientes
para os agricultores e
pescadores venderem seus
Sim
6,6%
14,1%
10,9%
10,2%
Não
51,0%
62,3%
66,7%
58,1%
Não sei
42,5%
23,5%
22,4%
31,7%
Total
Col %
100,0%
100,0%
100,0%
100,0%
113
IRI Report
Attachments
Provincia
Huambo Benguela Malange
Uige
Lunda
Sul
Huila
Luanda
Total
Na minha região/área não h Sim
escolas suficientes para tod
Não
os alunos
Não sei
61,8%
62,5%
37,5%
72,7%
45,2%
75,0%
45,9%
55,3%
38,2%
33,3%
54,2%
27,3%
51,6%
25,0%
52,0%
42,3%
4,2%
8,3%
2,0%
2,4%
Os professores e a
administração da escola
pedem muito dinheiro
Sim
11,8%
77,6%
44,0%
18,2%
9,7%
27,8%
74,7%
48,6%
Não
61,8%
4,1%
44,0%
72,7%
80,6%
50,0%
15,2%
36,5%
3,2%
Não sei
26,5%
18,4%
12,0%
9,1%
9,7%
22,2%
10,1%
14,9%
Os alunos não estão aprend Sim
muito/ter conhecimentos na
Não
escolas públicas
Não sei
76,5%
50,0%
44,0%
63,6%
25,8%
66,7%
65,3%
58,2%
14,7%
28,3%
24,0%
13,6%
38,7%
25,0%
29,6%
26,4%
8,8%
21,7%
32,0%
22,7%
35,5%
8,3%
5,1%
15,4%
As comissões de pais que Sim
deveriam servir para
Não
apresentar queixas e
reclamações não funcionam Não sei
59,4%
52,1%
24,0%
61,9%
20,7%
50,0%
69,4%
53,6%
25,0%
14,6%
44,0%
23,8%
6,9%
13,9%
23,5%
21,1%
36,1%
7,1%
25,3%
Total
Col %
15,6%
33,3%
32,0%
14,3%
72,4%
100,0%
100,0%
100,0%
100,0%
100,0%
100,0% 100,0% 100,0%
Localizacao
Rural
Na minha região/área não há
escolas suficientes para todos
os alunos
Periurbano
Urbano
Total
Sim
62,6%
51,4%
53,2%
55,3%
Não
35,2%
45,7%
45,2%
42,3%
2,2%
2,9%
1,6%
2,4%
Sim
19,8%
64,8%
54,0%
48,6%
Não
65,9%
21,8%
27,0%
36,5%
Não sei
14,3%
13,4%
19,0%
14,9%
Sim
48,4%
59,3%
70,5%
58,2%
Não
23,1%
29,3%
24,6%
26,4%
Não sei
28,6%
11,4%
4,9%
15,4%
As comissões de pais que
deveriam servir para
apresentar queixas e
reclamações não funcionam
Sim
36,4%
60,7%
62,3%
53,6%
Não
19,3%
20,0%
26,2%
21,1%
Não sei
44,3%
19,3%
11,5%
25,3%
Total
Col %
100,0%
100,0%
100,0%
100,0%
Não sei
Os professores e a
administração da escola
pedem muito dinheiro
Os alunos não estão aprender
muito/ter conhecimentos nas
escolas públicas
114
IRI Report
Attachments
Provincia
Huambo
O preço da água é muito alto
para as famílias que vivem no
suburbio
Sim
Não
Não sei
100.0%
Uige
Lunda
Sul
Huila
Luanda
Total
48,0%
62,5%
40,0%
14,3%
90,9%
78,1%
3,0%
4,0%
12,5%
40,0%
57,1%
7,1%
9,0%
9,1%
48,0%
25,0%
20,0%
28,6%
2,0%
12,9%
18,8%
4,0%
25,0%
14,3%
26,5%
20,5%
21,9%
4,0%
62,5%
40,0%
57,1%
59,2%
44,3%
Benguela
Malange
87,9%
O problema da água nas cidades é
por causa da falta de cobrança do
consumo de água pois muitos
cidadãos não pagam
Sim
Não sei
59,4%
92,0%
12,5%
60,0%
28,6%
14,3%
35,2%
A administração e as ONG´s
construiram furos e poços na
nossa vila
Sim
27,3%
3,7%
62,5%
20,0%
33,3%
15,8%
18,9%
54,5%
85,2%
37,5%
80,0%
33,3%
81,1%
73,1%
18,2%
11,1%
33,3%
3,2%
8,0%
100,0%
100,0%
100%
100,0%
100%
Não
100.0%
Não
100.0%
Não sei
Total
Col %
100.0%
100%
100%
Localizacao
Rural
O preço da água é muito
alto para as famílias que
vivem no suburbio
Periurbano
Urbano
Total
Sim
53,3%
87,9%
66,7%
78,1%
Não
11,1%
8,1%
11,1%
9,0%
Não sei
35,6%
4,0%
22,2%
12,9%
O problema da água nas Sim
cidades é por causa da falt
Não
de cobrança do consumo d
água pois muitos cidadãos Não sei
13,3%
23,0%
22,2%
20,5%
24,4%
50,8%
55,6%
44,3%
62,2%
26,2%
22,2%
35,2%
A administração e as
Sim
ONG´s construiram furos
Não
poços na nossa vila
Não sei
19,6%
19,0%
12,5%
18,9%
69,6%
73,6%
87,5%
73,1%
10,9%
7,4%
100,0%
100,0%
Total
Col %
8,0%
100,0%
100,0%
115
IRI Report
Attachments
Género e Filiação Política
Sexo
Homem
Mulher
Total
Alguns funcionários
Sim
públicos estão muito
ligados aos partidos
políticos e é por isso que Não
muitas coisas não
funcionam
Count
1255
1197
2452
Col %
62.6%
62.1%
62.4%
Count
749
729
1478
Col %
37.4%
37.9%
37.6%
Hoje para se ter um bom Sim
emprego/cargo numa
organização tem de se
Não
pertencer a um partido
político
Count
987
965
1952
Col %
49.2%
50.1%
49.6%
Count
1019
961
1980
Col %
50.8%
49.9%
50.4%
Muitos partidos políticos
foram transformados em
centros de interesse de
meia dúzia de pessoas
que estão a desviar
daquilo para o qual eles
É muito díficil saber quem
são os dirigentes
políticos/deputados que
são responsáveis pela
minha
área/província/munícipio
Nos partidos políticos a
pessoa é livre de dizer
tudo aquilo que pensa
Count
1507
1404
2911
Col %
76.1%
74.3%
75.2%
Count
472
486
958
Col %
23.9%
25.7%
24.8%
Count
1545
1463
3008
Col %
77.1%
75.3%
76.2%
Count
458
480
938
Col %
22.9%
24.7%
23.8%
Count
636
454
1090
Col %
61.0%
53.4%
57.6%
Count
406
396
802
Col %
39.0%
46.6%
42.4%
Manteria o seu voto no
Sim
partido da sua escolha
sabendo que alguns dos
seus membros dirigentes Não
são corruptos?
Count
289
263
552
Col %
14.9%
14.4%
14.7%
Count
1181
1068
2249
Col %
60.9%
58.5%
59.8%
Não
sei
Count
468
495
963
Col %
24.1%
27.1%
25.6%
Count
1938
1826
3764
Col %
100.0%
100.0%
100.0%
Sim
Não
Sim
Não
Sim
Não
Total
116
IRI Report
Attachments
Genero e Dificuldade na Obtenção de Serviços Governamentais
Sexo
Homem
Emissão de
documentos de
identificação
(cédula de
nascimento,B.I,
passaporte)
Um lugar numa
escola pública
primária
87
101
188
Col %
4.2%
5.0%
4.6%
Fácil
Count
674
601
1275
Col %
32.9%
30.0%
31.5%
Díficil
Count
873
882
1755
Col %
42.6%
44.1%
43.3%
Muito
díficil
Count
305
267
572
Col %
14.9%
13.3%
14.1%
Não
sei
Count
111
150
261
Col %
5.4%
7.5%
6.4%
Muito
fácil
Count
77
92
169
Col %
3.8%
4.6%
4.2%
Fácil
Count
833
799
1632
Col %
40.7%
40.3%
40.5%
Count
802
745
1547
Col %
39.2%
37.5%
38.4%
Muito
díficil
Count
264
258
522
Col %
12.9%
13.0%
12.9%
Não
sei
Count
71
91
162
Col %
3.5%
4.6%
4.0%
Muito
fácil
Count
75
77
152
Col %
3.7%
3.9%
3.8%
Fácil
Count
166
128
294
Col %
8.2%
6.5%
7.4%
Díficil
Conseguir uma
consulta médica
ou um
internamento no
hospital
33.7%
735
1536
Col %
39.4%
37.4%
38.4%
Count
324
343
667
Col %
15.9%
17.5%
16.7%
Count
61
53
114
Col %
3.0%
2.7%
2.8%
Count
699
717
1416
Col %
34.4%
36.3%
35.3%
Count
785
772
1557
Col %
38.6%
39.1%
38.8%
Muito
díficil
Count
366
313
679
Col %
18.0%
15.8%
16.9%
Não
sei
Count
123
120
243
Col %
6.0%
6.1%
6.1%
Muito
fácil
Count
45
33
78
Col %
2.2%
1.7%
2.0%
Fácil
Count
211
201
412
Col %
10.5%
10.3%
10.4%
Count
642
634
1276
Col %
31.9%
32.5%
32.2%
Muito
díficil
Count
379
316
695
Col %
18.8%
16.2%
17.5%
Não
sei
Count
735
766
1501
Col %
36.5%
39.3%
37.9%
Muito
fácil
Count
38
31
69
Col %
1.9%
1.6%
1.7%
Fácil
Count
233
254
487
Col %
11.5%
12.9%
12.2%
Count
538
522
1060
Col %
26.6%
26.5%
26.6%
Muito
díficil
Count
384
320
704
Col %
19.0%
16.3%
17.6%
Não
sei
Count
828
842
1670
Col %
41.0%
42.8%
41.9%
Muito
fácil
Count
57
44
101
Col %
2.8%
2.2%
2.5%
Fácil
Count
46
30
76
Col %
2.3%
1.5%
1.9%
Count
249
222
471
Col %
12.3%
11.3%
11.8%
Muito
díficil
Count
656
537
1193
Col %
32.3%
27.4%
29.9%
Não
sei
Count
1021
1130
2151
Col %
50.3%
57.6%
53.9%
Muito
fácil
Count
54
51
105
Col %
2.7%
2.6%
2.6%
Fácil
Count
501
431
932
Col %
24.6%
21.8%
23.3%
Count
567
569
1136
Col %
27.9%
28.8%
28.4%
Díficil
Total
1349
34.7%
801
Fácil
Díficil
Ajuda da polícia
quando é preciso
682
32.8%
Count
Muito
fácil
dificil
Um crédito
agrícola
667
Col %
Não
sei
Díficil
Serviços de água
Count
Muito
díficil
Díficil
Serviços de
electricidade
Total
Count
Díficil
Um lugar numa
escola secundária
ou superior
Mulher
Muito
fácil
Muito
díficil
Count
499
437
936
Col %
24.5%
22.1%
23.4%
Não
sei
Count
413
485
898
Col %
20.3%
24.6%
22.4%
Count
2034
1973
4007
Col %
100.0%
100.0%
100.0%
117
IRI Report
Attachments
Sexo
Homem
Emissão de documentos
oficiais na administração
pública(certidões,
cédulas)
Muito boa qualidade
Boa qualidade
Mais ou menos
Má qualidade
Muito má qualidade
Não tenho
Serviços de educação
Muito boa qualidade
Boa qualidade
Mais ou menos
Má qualidade
Muito má qualidade
Não tenho
Serviços de saúde
Muito boa qualidade
Boa qualidade
Mais ou menos
Má qualidade
Muito má qualidade
Não tenho
Serviços de electricidade
Muito boa qualidade
Boa qualidade
Mais ou menos
Má qualidade
Muito má qualidade
Não tenho
Serviços de água
Muito boa qualidade
Boa qualidade
Mais ou menos
Má qualidade
Muito má qualidade
Não tenho
Serviços de telefone
Muito boa qualidade
Boa qualidade
Mais ou menos
Má qualidade
Muito má qualidade
Não tenho
Serviços de transporte
público
Muito má qualidade
Boa qualidade
Mais ou menos
Má qualidade
Muito má qualidade
Não tenho
Correios
Muito boa qualidade
Boa qualidade
Mulher
Total
Count
74
70
144
Col %
3.6%
3.5%
3.6%
Count
562
556
1118
Col %
27.6%
28.2%
27.9%
Count
890
895
1785
Col %
43.7%
45.3%
44.5%
Count
316
266
582
Col %
15.5%
13.5%
14.5%
Count
53
39
92
Col %
2.6%
2.0%
2.3%
Count
142
148
290
Col %
7.0%
7.5%
7.2%
Count
47
34
81
Col %
2.3%
1.7%
2.0%
Count
435
431
866
Col %
21.4%
21.8%
21.6%
Count
882
916
1798
Col %
43.3%
46.4%
44.8%
Count
461
396
857
Col %
22.6%
20.1%
21.4%
Count
111
103
214
Col %
5.4%
5.2%
5.3%
Count
101
95
196
Col %
5.0%
4.8%
4.9%
Count
34
30
64
Col %
1.7%
1.5%
1.6%
Count
329
342
671
Col %
16.2%
17.3%
16.7%
Count
849
863
1712
Col %
41.7%
43.7%
42.7%
Count
530
450
980
Col %
26.1%
22.8%
24.5%
Count
183
189
372
Col %
9.0%
9.6%
9.3%
Count
109
100
209
Col %
5.4%
5.1%
5.2%
Count
16
5
21
Col %
.8%
.3%
.5%
Count
134
123
257
Col %
6.7%
6.4%
6.5%
Count
397
425
822
Col %
19.8%
22.1%
20.9%
Count
488
449
937
Col %
24.3%
23.3%
23.8%
Count
189
155
344
Col %
9.4%
8.1%
8.7%
Count
785
768
1553
Col %
39.1%
39.9%
39.5%
Count
18
6
24
Col %
.9%
.3%
.6%
Count
137
157
294
Col %
6.8%
8.1%
7.4%
Count
396
386
782
Col %
19.7%
19.9%
19.8%
Count
374
338
712
Col %
18.6%
17.4%
18.0%
Count
130
91
221
Col %
6.5%
4.7%
5.6%
Count
954
961
1915
Col %
47.5%
49.6%
48.5%
Count
13
9
22
Col %
.7%
.5%
.6%
Count
142
136
278
Col %
7.1%
7.1%
7.1%
Count
295
295
590
Col %
14.8%
15.4%
15.1%
Count
225
179
404
Col %
11.3%
9.3%
10.3%
Count
96
72
168
Col %
4.8%
3.8%
4.3%
Count
1224
1225
2449
Col %
61.4%
63.9%
62.6%
Count
18
10
28
Col %
.9%
.5%
.7%
Count
164
153
317
Col %
8.2%
7.9%
8.1%
Count
527
566
1093
Col %
26.3%
29.3%
27.8%
Count
448
391
839
Col %
22.4%
20.2%
21.3%
Count
190
175
365
Col %
9.5%
9.1%
9.3%
Count
656
637
1293
Col %
32.8%
33.0%
32.9%
Count
7
5
12
Col %
.4%
.3%
.3%
Count
53
37
90
118
IRI Report
Attachments
Vai votar nas proximas eleicoes ?
Sim
Count
Provincia
Nao
Row %
Count
Nao sei
Row %
Count
Row %
Huambo
361
75.2%
21
4.4%
98
20.4%
Benguela
272
59.0%
34
7.4%
155
33.6%
Malange
354
73.4%
10
2.1%
118
24.5%
Uige
301
79.2%
5
1.3%
74
19.5%
Lunda Sul
269
70.2%
24
6.3%
90
23.5%
Huila
398
80.4%
12
2.4%
85
17.2%
Luanda
955
64.6%
163
11.0%
361
24.4%
2910
70.0%
269
6.5%
981
23.6%
Total
Correlations
É muito
díficil saber
quem são os
dirigentes
políticos/dep
utados que
são
responsáveis
pela minha
área/provínci
a/munícipio
pois nunca
aparecem par
ouvir as
nossas
preocupações
Kendall's tau_b
É muito díficil saber quem
são os dirigentes
políticos/deputados que são
responsáveis pela minha
área/província/munícipio pois
nunca aparecem par ouvir as
nossas preocupações
Correlation Coefficient
4065
1929
Nos partidos políticos a
pessoa é livre de dizer tudo
aquilo que pensa
Correlation Coefficient
,136**
1,000
Sig. (2-tailed)
,000
,
1929
1961
1,000
,136**
Sig. (2-tailed)
N
N
Spearman's rho
Nos partidos
políticos a
pessoa é livre
de dizer tudo
aquilo que
pensa
É muito díficil saber quem
são os dirigentes
políticos/deputados que são
responsáveis pela minha
área/província/munícipio pois
nunca aparecem par ouvir as
nossas preocupações
Correlation Coefficient
Nos partidos políticos a
pessoa é livre de dizer tudo
aquilo que pensa
Sig. (2-tailed)
1,000
,
,136**
,000
,
,000
4065
1929
Correlation Coefficient
,136**
1,000
Sig. (2-tailed)
,000
,
N
1929
1961
N
**. Correlation is significant at the .01 level (2-tailed).
119
IRI Report
Attachments
Votou nas eleicoes em 1992
Sim
Count
Grupos
etarios
Total
Nao
Row %
Count
Row %
Count
Row %
18 - 25
26
45.6%
31
54.4%
57
100.0%
26 - 33
519
80.0%
130
20.0%
649
100.0%
34 - 41
718
87.5%
103
12.5%
821
100.0%
42 - 49
518
90.7%
53
9.3%
571
100.0%
50 - 59
266
91.4%
25
8.6%
291
100.0%
+ 60 anos
192
90.1%
21
9.9%
213
100.0%
2239
86.0%
363
14.0%
2602
100.0%
Total
Vai votar nas proximas eleicoes ?
Sim
Count
Dominio de
estudo
376
61.1%
Outras provincias
616
992
Rural
Total
Count
Nao sei
Row %
Count
Row %
81
13.2%
158
25.7%
69.5%
40
4.5%
230
26.0%
66.1%
121
8.1%
388
25.8%
294
72.1%
18
4.4%
96
23.5%
Periurbano
463
62.8%
73
9.9%
201
27.3%
Urbano
235
66.0%
30
8.4%
91
25.6%
992
66.1%
121
8.1%
388
25.8%
Huambo
141
72.7%
10
5.2%
43
22.2%
Benguela
88
54.3%
13
8.0%
61
37.7%
Malange
75
67.0%
4
3.6%
33
29.5%
Uige
94
77.0%
1
.8%
27
22.1%
Lunda Sul
82
70.1%
6
5.1%
29
24.8%
Huila
136
76.0%
6
3.4%
37
20.7%
Luanda
376
61.1%
81
13.2%
158
25.7%
992
66.1%
121
8.1%
388
25.8%
Total
Provincia
Row %
Luanda
Total
Localizacao
Nao
120
IRI Report
Attachments
Votou nas eleicoes em 1992
Sim
Count
Habilitacoes
Literarias
Nao
Row %
Count
Row %
Analfabeto
455
84.4%
84
15.6%
I nivel
438
85.4%
75
14.6%
II nivel
500
85.5%
85
14.5%
III nivel
446
86.6%
69
13.4%
Medio
322
90.4%
34
9.6%
71
82.6%
15
17.4%
2232
86.0%
362
14.0%
Universitario
Total
Votou nas eleicoes em 1992
Sim
Count
Sexo
Total
Nao
Row %
Count
Row %
Count
Row %
Homem
1191
88.0%
163
12.0%
1354
100.0%
Mulher
1037
83.9%
199
16.1%
1236
100.0%
2228
86.0%
362
14.0%
2590
100.0%
Total
Vai votar nas proximas eleicoes ?
Sim
Count
Habilitacoes
Literarias
Row %
Count
Nao sei
Row %
Count
Row %
Count
Row %
Analfabeto
470
70.0%
24
3.6%
177
26.4%
671
100.0%
I nivel
527
72.5%
38
5.2%
162
22.3%
727
100.0%
II nivel
660
70.6%
68
7.3%
207
22.1%
935
100.0%
III nivel
681
68.4%
69
6.9%
246
24.7%
996
100.0%
Medio
423
67.9%
57
9.1%
143
23.0%
623
100.0%
75
72.8%
6
5.8%
22
21.4%
103
100.0%
2836
69.9%
262
6.5%
957
23.6%
4055
100.0%
Universitario
Total
Total
Nao
O que aconteceu
em 1992 que pode
afectar decisao de
voto
Responses
Col
Response %
A guerra após as eleições
2374
61.2%
O resultado das eleições
1099
28.3%
Aquilo que ouvi dos meus
familiares e amigos e vi
1531
39.5%
121
IRI Report
Attachments
Vai votar nas proximas eleicoes ?
Sim
Count
Sexo
Total
Nao
Row %
Count
Nao sei
Row %
Count
Row %
Count
Row %
Homem
1520
74.0%
123
6.0%
412
20.0%
2055
100.0%
Mulher
1313
66.1%
138
6.9%
536
27.0%
1987
100.0%
2833
70.1%
261
6.5%
948
23.5%
4042
100.0%
Total
Correlations
Se é membro
ou
simpatizante
de um
partido, está
disponível
para
trabalhar
para as
eleições?
Filiacao
politica
Kendall's tau_b
Filiacao politica
Correlation Coefficient
Sig. (2-tailed)
Se é membro ou
simpatizante de um partido,
está disponível para
trabalhar para as eleições?
Spearman's rho
Filiacao politica
-.165**
.
.000
N
4179
1381
Correlation Coefficient
-.165**
1.000
Sig. (2-tailed)
N
Correlation Coefficient
Sig. (2-tailed)
Se é membro ou
simpatizante de um partido,
está disponível para
trabalhar para as eleições?
1.000
.000
.
1381
1388
1.000
-.172**
.
.000
N
4179
1381
Correlation Coefficient
-.172**
1.000
Sig. (2-tailed)
N
.000
.
1381
1388
**. Correlation is significant at the .01 level (2-tailed).
122
IRI Report
Attachments
Layer
Response %
Cases
Motivos
de escolha
de Partido
Politico
Ideias e propostas
327
82.8%
Lideres
207
52.4%
Partido com mais poder na
regiao
181
45.8%
Vantagens de membro
184
46.6%
Pressao politica
89
22.5%
183
46.3%
Maioria dos lideres sao da
minha regiao
92
23.3%
Outros motivos
34
8.6%
Familia e amigos pertenciam
Votaria numa mulher para:
Col %
Grupos etarios
18 - 25
26 - 33
34 - 41
42 - 49
50 - 59
+ 60 anos
Total
Presidente da
República
Sim
46.5%
43.8%
42.6%
40.6%
40.8%
40.3%
43.5%
Não
53.5%
56.2%
57.4%
59.4%
59.2%
59.7%
56.5%
Deputado
Sim
71.3%
69.6%
68.1%
69.2%
58.5%
56.0%
68.2%
Não
28.7%
30.4%
31.9%
30.8%
41.5%
44.0%
31.8%
Sim
62.9%
64.1%
61.1%
58.9%
53.8%
54.3%
61.2%
Não
37.1%
35.9%
38.9%
41.1%
46.2%
45.7%
38.8%
Sim
71.6%
73.4%
71.3%
68.6%
64.5%
58.9%
70.4%
Não
28.4%
26.6%
28.7%
31.4%
35.5%
41.1%
29.6%
Sim
72.9%
73.1%
74.1%
69.6%
62.6%
58.2%
71.2%
Não
27.1%
26.9%
25.9%
30.4%
37.4%
41.8%
28.8%
Lider de associação Sim
76.2%
76.3%
76.1%
72.5%
65.0%
63.8%
74.2%
Não
23.8%
23.7%
23.9%
27.5%
35.0%
36.2%
25.8%
Governador
Administrador
Líder de sindicato
123