On the interpretation of subjects in L2 Portuguese
Ana Madeira, Maria Francisca Xavier & Maria de Lourdes Crispim
Universidade Nova de Lisboa
Many contemporary studies in L2 acquisition have shown that, whereas learners are
largely successful in acquiring strictly grammatical properties, even when this requires
them to adopt parametric options different from those found in their L1, properties
which are at the interface between syntax and other linguistic modules or other
cognitive systems are especially difficult to acquire and subject to developmental
delays, exhibiting indeterminacy or residual optionality even at the most advanced
stages (Sorace 2000, 2003, 2005). However, it is still an open question whether all
interface properties are equally hard to acquire. There is a growing body of research
suggesting that external interface properties, such as those at the syntax-discourse
interface, may be more vulnerable than internal interface properties, such as those at the
syntax-semantics interface (Tsimpli & Sorace 2006, White 2007).
The aim of this talk is to contribute to this debate, by investigating learners’
knowledge of the distribution and interpretation of subjects in finite and inflected
infinitival contexts in L2 Portuguese. This provides a good testing ground for
investigating the status of different interface properties, given that the distribution of
subjects in finite contexts is governed by discourse-pragmatic conditions – null subjects
must be interpreted as topics (see (1) and (2)) –, whereas the interpretation of subjects in
inflected infinitival clauses is determined by semantic properties – inflected infinitives
display properties of non-obligatory control, in that, for example, they do not require a
local c-commanding antecedent (3) and allow split antecedents for the infinitival subject
(4) (Pires 2006).
(1) Quando eu cheguei a casa, *(ele) já
tinha jantado
when
I arrived to home *(he) already had dined
“When I arrived home, he had already had dinner”
(2) O João está muito cansado porque (??ele) tem trabalhado muito
the João is very tired
because (??he) has worked much
“João is very tired because he has been working very hard”
(3) A Maria lamenta (nós) termos
vendido a casa
the Maria regrets (we) to-have-1pl sold
the house
“Maria regrets that we sold the house”
(4) A Maria convenceu o João a jantarem
mais cedo
the Maria convinced the João to to-dine-3pl more early
“Maria convinced João that they should have dinner early”
Given the hypothesis that discourse properties are subject to greater difficulty and
more prone to delays in development than semantic properties, it is predicted that the
facts relating to the distribution and interpretation of null finite subjects should be
harder to acquire than those relating to inflected infinitival subjects. In fact, this is
precisely the conclusion that may be drawn from previous studies on the acquisition of
these properties. Hence, studies focussing on the L2 acquisition of null subjects have
gathered evidence of the late development of the discourse-pragmatic conditions which
determine the distribution of null and overt subjects in null subject languages, showing
evidence of production or omission of overt subjects in pragmatically inappropriate
contexts, as well as of misinterpretation of overt subjects, which may persist into the
advanced stages (Pérez-Leroux & Glass, 1999; Serratrice & Sorace, 2003; Sorace, 2003,
2004; Sorace & Filiaci, 2006; Serratrice, 2007; Margaza & Bel, 2006; Montrul &
Rodríguez Louro, 2006; Rothman, 2007). Research on the L2 acquisition of inflected
infinitives in Brazilian Portuguese, on the other hand, suggests that learners may fully
acquire the relevant semantic properties (e.g. Iverson & Rothman 2008).
In this talk, we present a study conducted with advanced adult learners of L2
European Portuguese (EP), speakers of pro-drop and non pro-drop languages. All the
subjects were university students who were spending a year or a semester at a
Portuguese university. The data were gathered through two tasks: a preference task,
testing knowledge of the distribution of null and overt subjects in finite clauses,
specifically in coordination and subordination contexts; and a comprehension task
(adapted from Pires & Rothman, in press), designed to test knowledge of the
interpretative properties of null finite and inflected infinitival subjects. Prior to this
latter test, it was established that learners had knowledge of the distinction between
inflected and non-inflected infinitives, and of the specific morphological and syntactic
properties of inflected infinitives.
The results for the preference test indicate that learners have developed knowledge
of the optimal conditions for the distribution of overt and null subjects in finite contexts,
displaying a preference for an overt subject whenever it introduces a new referent, or in
cases of potential referential ambiguity, and selecting a null pronoun whenever the
embedded subject is co-referential with that of the preceding clause. As for the second
task, our preliminary results suggest that learners are aware of the relevant interpretative
properties of finite and inflected infinitival subjects.
It is worth noting that, although all the subjects had learned Portuguese formally, the
specific distributional and interpretative properties of finite and infinitival subjects
investigated in this study are not explicitly taught. Nevertheless, irrespective of the prodrop status of the learners’ L1, their performance in the two tasks does not differ
significantly from that of the control group (native speakers of EP), indicating neartarget knowledge of the relevant properties. Nothing can be stated regarding the
development path for these properties, as no elementary or intermediate learners were
included in the study. However, at the advanced state, both the syntax-semantics and
syntax-discourse interface properties investigated in this study appear to have been fully
acquired. As far as these specific properties are concerned, at least, there is therefore no
evidence of a mismatch in the acquisition of different types of interface properties.