Paper presented at the 3rd UKLVC-University of York – England - July 2001
Thaïs Cristófaro-Silva & Marco Antônio de Oliveira (UFMG)
Page 1
Lateral Vocalization in Brazilian Portuguese
Thaïs Cristófaro-Silva (UFMG)
Marco Antônio de Oliveira (UFMG)
Abstract
One of the differences between Brazilian Portuguese (henceforth BP) and European Portuguese (henceforth EP) is that
post-vocalic laterals are vocalized in the former. This fact has been traditionally analysed as a phonological phenomenon
in which a lateral is realized as a back rounded glide when in syllable final position: /sal/ Æ [sáw] sal ''salt'' (cf. Câmara
(1970), Callou & Leite (1990)). According to this process forms which have a distinct pronunciation in EP become
homophonous in BP. Thus, EP has the forms ''bad'' mau [máw]/ ''badly'' mal [mál] and ''tail'' cauda [káwda]/ ''syrup'' calda
[kálda]. On the other hand, BP forms ''bad'' mau/ ''badly'' mal are pronounced as[máw] and forms such as ''tail'' cauda/
''syrup'' calda are pronounced as [káwda]. In this paper we intend to evaluate the adequacy of assuming a phonological
input such as /sál/ for sal ''salt'' [sáw] in BP. We argue that assuming an input such as /sáw/ is more adequate to a
synchronic analysis of BP. Our proposal is based on variation involving forms which present postvocalic /l/ in wordinternal position. In order to discuss the so-claimed postvocalic /l/ in word internal position as in calda ''syrup'' [káwda]
one has to consider the behaviour of ''r'' sounds in BP. There are two types of ''r'' sounds in BP which we will refer to as
weak and strong ''r's'' (cf. Oliveira (1983, 1999)). The weak ''r'' occurs intervocalically as a tap: caro ''expensive'' [káru].
The strong ''r'' - which we will represent as R - may be manifested as a number of different sounds and occurs in syllable
initial position: carro ''car'' [káRu], rato ''rat'' [Rátu], desrespeito ''disrespect'' [desRespejtu]. When an ''r'' follows a
syllable that ends in a vowel either the tap or the strong R may occur: caro ''expensive'' [káru], carro ''carro'' [káRu].
When ''r'' follows a syllable that ends in a diphthong it is typically manifested as a tap as in Laura ''Laura'' [láwra] and
feira ''street market'' [féjra] and occasionally as the strong R as in bairro ''neighborhood'' [bájRu]. When ''r'' follows a
syllable that ends in a consonant –as in desrespeito ''disrespect'' – the strong R occurs systematically: [desRespéjtu]. When
considering BP words which are claimed to have a word-internal postvocalic /l/ followed by an ''r'' sound – such as bilro
''lace bobbin'' or guelra ''gill'' – we get either the tap ''bi[wr]o,gue[wr]a'' or the strong R ''bi[wR]o,gue[wR]a''. Different
speakers may vary the choice for the ''r'' sound depending on the word in question. The analysis is based on data from
Brazilian university students. We intend to evaluate the best approach to analyse the variation concerning ''r'' sounds
followed by a postvocalic /l/. We will consider a perspective which assumes it reflects a sound change in progress and
also a proposal which assumes that it reflects a case of lexical diffusion.
One of the differences between Brazilian Portuguese (henceforth BP) and European
Portuguese (henceforth EP)1 is that post-vocalic laterals are vocalized in the former. This
fact has been traditionally analysed as a phonological phenomenon in which a lateral is
realized as a back rounded glide when in syllable final position (cf. Câmara (1970), Callou
& Leite (1990)). The data in (1) illustrates this proposal.
Paper presented at the 3rd UKLVC-University of York – England - July 2001
Thaïs Cristófaro-Silva & Marco Antônio de Oliveira (UFMG)
(1)
a.
b.
/sal/ Æ [sáw]
/salto/ Æ [sáwtu]
sal
salto
Page 2
''salt''
''jump''
Note that some forms which have a distinct pronunciation in EP become
homophonous in BP. This is due to the process of lateral vocalization. Forms in (2) indicate
major features of word-final /l/ in BP and EP.
(2)
European Port
[mál]
[máw]
[kálda]
[káwda]
Brazilian Port
[máw]
[máw]
[káwda]
[káwda]
''mau''
''mal''
''calda''
''cauda''
bad
badly
syrup
tail
In this paper we intend to evaluate the adequacy of assuming a phonological input
such as /mál/ for mal ''badly'' [máw] in BP. This is the traditional view assumed by all
works in BP phonology. We will provide evidence which shows that such a view is in fact
inadequate. We argue that assuming an input such as /máw/ mal ''badly'' is more adequate
to a synchronic analysis of BP.
The data we analyse was collected from 60 subjects (18 male and 42 female) all of
whom are undergratuate students at the Federal University of Minas Gerais. The data is
divided into three sets. The first set comprises a group of words which present a syllablefinal /l/ (eg. ''bilro'' pronounced as ''bi[w]ro'') and some words have a syllable-final udiphthong (eg. ''besouro'' pronounced as ''beso[w]ro''). The second set of data is inteded to
investigate plural forms of final-/l/ (eg. ''anel'') and final-/u/ (eg. ''troféu'') words. The final
1
For the matter addressed in this paper EP and Southern Brazilian dialects display the same behaviour, i.e /l/
vocalization does not take place. When reference is made to EP in this paper it also includes the Southern
Brazilian dialects.
Paper presented at the 3rd UKLVC-University of York – England - July 2001
Thaïs Cristófaro-Silva & Marco Antônio de Oliveira (UFMG)
Page 3
set of data is aimed at investigating derived forms of final-/l/ and final-/u/ words. By
analysing these data we intend to show that the alleged syllable final-/l/ words are better
analysed as presenting a high back rounded vowel in word-final position.
To defend our proposal we will consider formerly those forms which have an
alleged syllable final /l/ in word internal position (calda ''syrup''). Further evidence will
follow from cases where it is assumed there is an /l/ in word-final position (mal ''badly'')
and in some derived forms (saleiro ''salt shaker'', salgado ''salty'').
In order to discuss the so-claimed postvocalic /l/ in word internal position as in
calda ''syrup'' [káwda] one has to consider the behavior of ''r'' sounds in BP. There are two
types of ''r'' sounds in BP which we will refer to as weak and strong ''r's'' (cf. Oliveira
(1983, 1999)). The weak ''r'' occurs intervocalically and it is manifested as a tap and the
strong ''r'' - which we will represent as R - may be manifested as a number of different
sounds and occurs in syllable initial position:2
(3)
Weak 'r'3
a.
Strong 'R'
b.
1.
2.
3.
caro
''expensive''
[káru]
carro
rato
desrespeito
''car''
''rat''
''disrespect''
[káRu]
[Rátu]
[desRespejtu]
When an ''r'' follows a syllable that ends in a vowel either the tap or the strong R
may occur: caro ''expensive'' [káru], carro ''carro'' [káRu]. When ''r'' follows a syllable that
2
The strong R may be phonetically manifested in BP as [h, , x, , r].
Paper presented at the 3rd UKLVC-University of York – England - July 2001
Thaïs Cristófaro-Silva & Marco Antônio de Oliveira (UFMG)
Page 4
ends in a diphthong it is typically manifested as a tap as in Laura ''Laura'' [láwra] and feira
''street market'' [féjra] and occasionally as the strong R as in bairro ''neighborhood'' [bájRu].
When ''r'' follows a syllable that ends in a consonant –as in desrespeito ''disrespect'' – the
strong R occurs systematically: [desRespéjtu].
Let us then consider the output for BP words which are claimed to have a wordinternal postvocalic /l/ followed by an ''r'' sound:
(4)
a.
b.
bilro
guelra
''lace bobbin''
''gill''
If we consider the dialects which pronounce an /l/ in syllable final position – as EP
and Southern Brazilian ones – we observe that the strong R always occurs after the syllable
final /l/. This is illustrated in (5a). In those dialects where /l/-vocalization occurs we find
the data shown in (5b).
(5)
3
a.
bi[lR]o
gue[lR]a
b.
bi[wR]o
gue[wR]a
''lace bobbin''
''gill''
or
or
bi[wr]o
gue[wr]a
''lace bobbin''
''gill''
The weak 'r' also occurs in branching onsets: prato [prátu] ''plate''. This environment is not relevant to the
Paper presented at the 3rd UKLVC-University of York – England - July 2001
Thaïs Cristófaro-Silva & Marco Antônio de Oliveira (UFMG)
Page 5
The first syllable in the words in (5b) ends in [w] for BP speakers.
Concerning the output for the ''r'' sound which follows [w] we get either the tap
''bi[wr]o,gue[wr]a'' or the strong R ''bi[wR]o,gue[wR]a''. Different speakers may
vary the choice for the ''r'' sound depending on the word in question. That is, a
speaker may have ''bi[wr]o'' and ''chi[wR]ear''. This shows that the same speaker
does not have a single pattern as expected if the sound change – from /l/ to [w] –
applies systematically the same way to any word which displays the structural
environment requested.
The fact that either the tap or the strong R may occur in the words in (5b)
show a similar behavior of ''r'' sounds when followed by a vowel (ca[r]o, ca[R]o) or
a diphthong (Lau[r]a, bai[R]o). If the glide [w] behaved like a consonant in ''bilro,
guelra'' the ''r'' sound should systematically be the strong R (cf. des[R]espeito) and
this is not the case in BP. Note, thus, that in those cases where the /l/ is pronounced
– as in EP and South Brazil – (cf. (5a) the strong R always occur.
Our proposal is that ''bilro, guelra'' in (5a) dialects have inputs such as
/bíwro, bíwRo/ and /gwra, gwRa/. We assume that these competing forms show
that these words have not yet completed their history in the language. Thus, the
input for the alleged word-internal postvocalic /l/ is in fact /w/: /káwda/ for both
calda ''syrup'' and cauda ''tail''.
issue under discussion and thus will not be addressed in this paper.
Paper presented at the 3rd UKLVC-University of York – England - July 2001
Thaïs Cristófaro-Silva & Marco Antônio de Oliveira (UFMG)
Page 6
In search of further supporting evidence we will consider the otehr two set of
data which were pointed out earlier in this paper. Let us now consider the behavior of
the so-claimed postvocalic /l/ in word final position.
Analysis which propose inputs such as /sál/ for sal ''salt'' intend to account not
only for the occurence of [l] in some derived forms – such as [saléjru] saleiro ''salt
shaker'' – but they also aim at accounting for plural forms of the so-claimed final /l/
forms. It is important to mention that forms which end in a /w/-diphthong make their
plural by adding /s/ to the singular form: degrau-degraus ''steps''. On the other hand
forms which end in a so-claimed word-final /l/ make their plural by deleting the final
/l/ in the singular form and adding /is/ to it: sal-sais ''salts''. Notice that the arguments
for assuming an input with word-final /l/ in order to account for plural forms is
actually ad hoc. In fact when using the plural forms of the so-claimed final-/l/ words
(sal-sais) or words ending in a /w/-diphthong (degrau-degraus) BP speakers typically
have three allternatives. Following the most current pattern for synchronic BP they
only use the plural mark in the article: ''os sal'' and ''os degrau''. They may also use
the plural ending inadequately: ''os sa[ws]'' and ''os degra[is]''. Of course the third
alternative is to use the standard plural forms ''os sais'' and ''os degraus''. We argue
that this behavior shows that the so-claimed final-/l/ words and the words ending in a
/w/-diphhtong display the same behavior as other words which have irregular plural
forms in BP: ovos, pães, irmãos, leões, etc. So, they should be treated as exceptional
individually learned words. Thus, there is no need to assume a word-final /l/ to
account for differences involving plural forms of syllable final /l/ and final /w/-
Paper presented at the 3rd UKLVC-University of York – England - July 2001
Thaïs Cristófaro-Silva & Marco Antônio de Oliveira (UFMG)
Page 7
diphthongs words in BP. The output for both cases is a syllable-final /w/: /degráw/
degrau ''step'' and /sáw/ sal ''salt''.
Let us finally consider the relationship between forms such as ''sal, saleiro,
salgado'' for ''salt, salt shaker, salty''. We ought to account for the fact that an [l]
appears in derived forms such as [saléjru] saleiro ''salt shaker'' being that we assume a
representation for the underived form as /sáw/ sal ''salt''. We argue that the BP sound
structure does not typically allow for intervocalic glide /w/ in pretonic position.
Thus, a form like [sawéjru] may be interpreted as not fitting the sound pattern of the
language. Considering that [sawéjru] is not adequate speakers find the possibility of
an output such as [saléjru]. It remains for us to address how words such as ''sal,
saleiro, salgado'' are related in the language. We claim that they may have a semantic
relationship but not a phonological one. Thus, these words are lexically listed as
individual items: /sáw, saléjro, sawgádo/.
In this paper we argue that there is no syllable final-/l/ in BP. We analysed the
so-claimed syllable final-/l/ words in medial position (calda), in word-final position
(sal) and the related forms (saleiro, salgado). Our proposal is that the so-called
process of lateral vocalization actually reflects a sound change which has been
completed for most words which actually have a glide /w/ in syllable final position.
Some words – such as ''bilro, guelra'' - still display some competing forms as a
consequence of an undergoing sound change.
Paper presented at the 3rd UKLVC-University of York – England - July 2001
Thaïs Cristófaro-Silva & Marco Antônio de Oliveira (UFMG)
Page 8
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