The Context of Colonization in Southern Brazil and the Immigrant Family Maria Luiza Andreazza * Sérgio Odilon Nadalin, Ph.D ** Introduction The 19th-century immigration of Europeans to Brazil is taken up in this paper, especially in regard to the premise that this significant movement of peoples was a rejoinder by the Brazilian elite to the impasse caused by the end of slavery . The immigration was one of the indicators of the crisis that represented a crack in the colonial structures. In this same context, the arrival of immigrants to Brazil during the 19th century gave rise to what might be called an “immigrant culture.” The considerations presented in this study are an attempt to situate the emergence of this culture by analyzing descendants of Europeans from the point of view of historical demography as well as that of cultural contacts. The analyses that follow were based on data gathered from the reconstitution of families of European immigrants and their descendants, which is an especially valuable method for retrospective demographic studies. The juxtaposition of demographic patterns with cultural aspects that were specific to the immigrants made it possible to circumscribe their forms of social life, and this, in turn, allowed a delineation of a theory of the immigrant family. The study can therefore to be classified within the broad spectrum of demographic studies or, what for us is more pertinent, the history of the population. The history of Brazil unfolded in the State of Paraná [southern part of the country] in a very particular way. Therefore, although our attention here will be focused mainly on the southern region of Brazil, especially Paraná, the country as a whole will not be ignored. At various points in our paper, the articulation and contradictions of the efforts made by what was then the Province of Paraná will be mentioned in the context of a national immigration policy. In fact, the theme of immigration is sufficiently broad to include many varied experiences related to the settlement of foreigners in the region, a process that involved both governmental programs and spontaneous movements. These populations of settlers in rural regions lived both on the Atlantic coast and in the interior of the province, including some near the “urban” centers, whether on the outskirts or closer to town. There foreigners and their descendants migrated and re-migrated from one region to another, where numerous specific cases occurred. Consequently, considering the limitations imposed by the specific objectives of this study, some limits will have to be drawn. On the one hand, we will concentrate on the period of almost one hundred years during which, in our opinion, foreign presence had the strongest impact on society in Paraná, and in Brazil in general. A “Great Migration” took place, largely expressed by the repercussions from the prohibition of slave traffic to Brazil, beginning in the 1850s and extending to the beginning of the Second World War (1939). * Assistant Professor at the History Department of the Federal University of Paraná. ** Professor at the History Department of the Federal University of Paraná, with a grant from the CNPq. Andreazza, M.L. and Nadalin, S.O. Our other focus will be on the origin of the immigrants. One specific group of Immigrants to Brazil consisted of Asians (mainly Japanese), and is very recent, characterizing almost a sub-period within the dates mentioned above. There are of course other types of problem that cannot be taken up here. For this reason, we will deal especially with the immigration of Europeans, if only because the ideology behind the Brazilian immigration policy was much more closely related to this phenomenon. The third aspect to be emphasized here results from the realization that Paraná’s capital, and largest city, Curitiba, has been the main focus of demographic analyses on immigration in the state’s historiographic production. In a more or less thorough manner, since the 1970s, Germans, Poles and Italians have been studied from this methodological perspective. Therefore, our analyses and considerations will be centered on the history of Curitiba, the “laboratory” of an original demographic experience that can, with the necessary adjustments, permit generalizations for immigrations to other regions in Paraná. In addition, Curitiba is in fashion, and this fact is related to a history of an immigrant presence that was successful. Although the city and its inhabitants deserve great credit, there are nevertheless some obvious distortions involved, indicated by exaggerations that do not hold up under critical analysis. In our opinion, these distortions are part of a certain tradition that sees Paraná as a different Brazil [MARTINS, 1955], with a tradition based on the predominance of a characteristic biotype of the state’s population, its distinct accent in Portuguese, and a singular interpretation of the region’s history. It is as if the “stigma of slavery,” and even of Portuguese colonization, were non-existent in Paraná and that an ideally peasant and European civilization had been set up there. By reproducing this simplistic and naive reasoning, aspects of the liberal and conservative immigrational ideology of the 19th century are confirmed and reiterated. 122 Braz. Journ. Pop. Stud., Campinas, 2, 1999/2000 There is no doubt, however, that the presence of immigrants was a major aspect of the region’s history, and introduced special characteristics that distinguishes in a special way what might be called an “immigrant culture,” a term used by Diegues Jr. (1960). However, due to the contact with a society that was desirous of “regenerating” and renewing practices of work that had been depreciated by slavery, part of the immigrant culture seems to have been based on the incorporation of this ideology, elaborating on and reconstructing it as an ethnic argument for a vocation. This was one of the topics alluded to in the Brazilian novel by Viana Moog, Um Rio imita o Reno [A river imitates the Rhine]. Therefore, one should take into account that this new fragment of the population of Paraná was assimilated by a society whose structures have colonial roots. No matter how singular, innovative and original the cultural and demographic contribution of the immigrants might have been, the historical process of Paraná has a clearly Brazilian dynamic structure. Displacements of populations: 19th and 20th centuries In this section we intend to delineate the broad lines of how we understand the structural ruptures that, in one way or another, contributed significantly to the occurrence of the great migrations of the 19th century and the early decades of the 20th. One must first accept the undisputed fact that the American and European motivations that stimulated the 19th-century migrations were part of the same process, whose roots are to be found in Europe. On the one hand, there was a complex set of changes that occurred during the 19th and 20th centuries which have often been referred to as a demographic transition. These transformations in the European population were articulated in opposition to the inertia that sustained the peasant societies on that continent, based on a long history sustained by a local, communitybased “moral economy.” This situation Andreazza, M.L. and Nadalin, S.O. corresponded to an almost stationary population, with high death and birth rates. As a counterpoint to this apparently conservative world, broad changes were nevertheless taking place with the expansion of capitalism, often closely related to the socio-demographic transformations going on. These changes brought about excess populations that, depending on the local situation and on what we might call cultural factors, led to a greater interest in migrating and, by extension, to transoceanic emigration. Modern times also saw the gradual fusion of the countless economic units - until then closed in upon themselves - into broad regional markets and even the constitution of international markets. These events were accompanied by the strengthening of an individualistic mentality which gradually contributed to the uprooting of the population of many rural areas (and small urban villages), and to long-distance migrations. In other words, we are talking about the phenomenon of capitalist expansion, which determined transfers of capital to the “new countries” and the “colonies.” These processes are closely interwoven, since the migration of capital generated the need to transform labor to impregnate this capital and make it multiply [SINGER, 1968: 88]. Stated in another way, although still reinforcing this perspective of economic history but, seen from a broader point of view, the great migrations of the 19th century can be seen as part of the adaptations needed for the full development of capitalism. In fact, they played a decisive role in strengthening it on a worldwide scale (PETRONE, 1982: 9-11). Demographic transition, capitalist expansion and great migrations are also interconnected in space. The various waves of European immigrants, which reached their zenith at the turn of the 20th century and resumed, with other characteristics, in the period between the wars, accompanied to a certain extent the advance of demographic transition and of capitalism itself, expanding successively from Northwestern to Southern and Eastern Europe. Braz. Journ. Pop. Stud., Campinas, 2, 1999/2000 One can only understand the process of demographic transfer from this multilateral perspective, also allied to the fact that the process of attraction of immigrants to America corresponded to the mechanism of ejection from Europe, not as some fortuitous coincidence, but as part of the international division of labor. This is because a new society was being built on this side of the Atlantic where there was an urgent need for immigrants, based on arguments from the 19th-century liberal ideology. From a Brazilian perspective, the “immigration” was aimed at supplying the country with workers, and it went far beyond a process of “colonization” for the purpose of populating the territory. Nevertheless, the relative importance of this latter system for the history of southern Brazil is undisputed. As is known, by delegation of the central government [in Rio de Janeiro], as of 1850 the provincial governments became directly interested in the question of colonization. Whether as private or governmentally sponsored projects, new colonies proliferated, and penetrated farther and farther into the interior of the country. The younger generations (the “branches”) were based on the older “headquarters.” They gradually followed the courses of the rivers, sometimes isolating themselves, but always occupying inhospitable regions. The trend in southern Brazil meant the complete possession of the plateau, which was eventually connected to the coast. The limits of this expansion were the plains, traditionally occupied by cattle grazers. In other words, the immigrants and their descendants could only settle on lands that had been rejected by the large land owners, just as the settlers in the provinces of São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro could only prosper in regions that the coffee growers had abandoned, far from the influence of large rural holdings (CARNEIRO, 1950: 40). It is true that the relationships between the immigrants and rural society were much more cordial than those that developed between the immigrants and the coffee growers. Even so, the two rural systems were quite distinct, even in the south. One group 123 Andreazza, M.L. and Nadalin, S.O. had inherited the social relationships established by the colony, whereas the other emerged from the construction of an immigrant culture, with clearly different characteristics. These two sectors of rural society contrasted in the importance they gave to physical work, to savings, and to structured polyculture on small land holdings aimed at urban markets, as well as by characteristic family morals and organization, and other aspects of life. But basically, two different ethics in regard to work entered into conflict. Besides these systems, there were two distinct environmental components. The “forest,” or areas that were once covered by forests, were inhabited by the white farmers descendants of the recent European immigrants, while the neighboring “fields,” were occupied by ranchers. These latter “consider the working settlers as their inferiors, and they are arrogant and disdainful in their contacts with them. The forest and the fields are thus two completely different worlds in southern Brazil. They are different both in terms of natural conditions and in their economic, social and racial aspects“ (WAIBEL, 1979: 231). Summing up, the main feature of the period encompassed by the second phase 1 of foreign immigration in Brazil, in its regional perspective, was the continuity of colonization by both government initiative and private enterprise. Another factor, more immediate and concrete, at least in Paraná, began to emerge in the wake of the issues discussed above during the first decades of the second half of the 19th century. It was the result of the heavy demand for slave labor for the coffee plantations, with the consequent mobilization of slaves, especially toward the plantations in the State of São Paulo. The resale of slaves for the coffee trade worsened the problems related to food supplies in the province of Paraná. In consequence, the introduction of settlers began to emerge as a remedy for the problem of the scarcity and high prices of 1 Braz. Journ. Pop. Stud., Campinas, 2, 1999/2000 foodstuffs. In addition, the European immigrants were seen from a romantic point of view, as being able to establish a “peasant civilization in European style” [PINHEIRO MACHADO et al., 1968: 51]. The reasons for setting up an agricultural system to supply foodstuffs in the province personalized the history of its colonization, since, for almost 30 years, this was the main argument used to justify the provincial immigration policy. As a result, besides the three so-called colonies in existence in the region at the moment of its political emancipation - Rio Negro, Thereza, and Superagüi - dozens of others were later established, especially between 1870 and 1880. It was in the region of Curitiba that the colonizing process was most successful, with the establishment of Germans, Swiss, Italians and Poles, as well as smaller contingents of French, English and Scandinavians. The point of reference for the presence of immigrants in the first plateau in Paraná was between 1850 and 1859. During this period, a re-migration process began, consisting of Germanspeaking settlers who left the Dona Francisca colony, in Joinville, in northern Santa Catarina, and moved to Curitiba. Between 1869 and 1878 settlements were founded between two and sixteen kilometers from Curitiba, comprised of Germans of various origins, as well as French, Algerian French, English, Italians, Poles and Swedes. Before these colonies, only one other large enterprise – Assungui - had arisen, in the present-day municipality of Cerro Azul, farther from Curitiba. The satisfactory results achieved in the colonization of the surroundings of Curitiba encouraged the extension of the program to the coast and to the Campos Gerais, involving “Germans from the Volga,” in 1878. For reasons that need not be gone into here, if only because the data must still be analyzed and discussed at greater length, these projects did not prosper. What is important to note is that, because of the Begun between 1850-1870 and characterized mainly by the crisis of slave labor. 124 Andreazza, M.L. and Nadalin, S.O. unfavorable results, one phase of the program for interiorizing the colonization in Paraná was suspended. This meant the end of the romantic conceptions about possibilities of progress brought in by the immigrants. The failure of the project to occupy the interior led the provincial government to change its immigration policy in the 1880s, substantially reducing its financial participation and thus virtually phasing out “governmental” colonization and emancipating the establishments in existence. As a result, the number of immigrants living in colonies in that decade fell to 2,769, in comparison with the approximately 12,500 in the preceding decade. However, the province still seemed interested in seeing new foreigners arrive, since the provincial authorities soon set about creating immigration societies, concentrated in Curitiba. In all, 11 associations were founded between 1885 and 1886, and “Acted in an efficient and diversified manner in promoting immigration services, including advertising of the land in Paraná for colonization” (BALHANA, 1969: 76). The numerical consequence of the work of these societies and of the colonization companies was evident only in the next decade (1890-1899), when 45,752 immigrants were brought to colonial establishments organized in the state. Another factor which contributed to the increase of immigrations was a public works program, basically in the capital city of Curitiba, but also on the coast, which led to the construction of railways and telegraph lines, both of which required large numbers of laborers. It is also likely that the increased colonization in this new cycle was carried out - at least in part - to address the interests of the companies that were building the railways, since they were, at the same time, colonization companies. Between 1880 and 1889, most of the settlers to Paraná were Italians while, Braz. Journ. Pop. Stud., Campinas, 2, 1999/2000 between 1890 and 1899, Poles, Italians and Germans prevailed, while a new aspect provided by the high proportion of Ukrainians. Between 1900 and 1911, besides the groups already mentioned, there were a certain number of Dutch immigrants. In contrast, there is no record of Italians in the composition of these more recent immigrations. In general, between 1829 and 1911, 85,537 foreign settlers moved to Paraná. Due to the low rate of fixation of these immigrants, we know that many saw their aspirations thwarted, and remained only a short time in the colonies where they first settled, especially when possibilities for development were unfavorable. For these and other reasons, the same phenomenon took place in Santa Catarina, which was the origin of a return migration to Paraná, mainly to Curitiba. A reasonable conclusion therefore allows one to suppose that more than 100,000 immigrants settled in this region in the period of approximately 80 years mentioned above. The question of demographic “voids” It was during this period, partly due to international migrations, that the situation of society in Paraná, basically comprised of the institution of large landholdings [latifundio campeiro], underwent the final impact that was to accelerate its disaggregation. 2 At least in the southern provinces of Brazil, the continuation of the immigrational flow constituted an epiphenomenon of the process caused by the large landholdings [BALHANA et al., 1969a: 351]. In Balhana’s words, “[...] in the composition of forces in existence at the time, the immigrants were called in and immigration was encouraged by the dominant class which held the political power, but only with the purpose of replacing the slaves, and not to colonize the demographic voids” (BALHANA et al., 1969a: 351). 2 A term used describe of the patriarchal, slave-based society in Southern Brazil, characterized by cattle raising and a self-contained economy. For more on this topic, see BALHANA et al. (1969b). 125 Andreazza, M.L. and Nadalin, S.O. In contrast, an examination of the state government’s discourse makes it clear that “colonization” did in fact, at least implicitly, reflect a concern about the population. The Brazilian elite as a whole supposed that the presence of foreigners and their future descendants would be a major factor in settling as well as in developing the country’s agriculture. Hopes were that the immigrants would also contribute to the construction of public works, and finally, they were to participate in general in the development of the economy. For these reasons, the authorities in Paraná were attentive to what was going on in other countries that opened their doors to European immigrants. It is clear that there was an attempt to repeat the model of the United States, despite occasional mentions of other immigrant-receiving countries. However, there was the factor of the “high price of boat passages from Europe to Brazil, compared to the trifling sum needed for the same settlers to obtain transportation from their homelands to the states of the AngloAmerican Union” (RPPPr, 1855: 30). 3 Notwithstanding, the president of the province warned, in another report, “that the colonization of the United States, so widely proclaimed, was accomplished after immense sacrifices were undergone by the public treasury and private investments” (RPPPr, 1860: 61). 4 He also warned that “when immigrants arrive in the American Union, in Canada or in Australia, they find the land cleared of trees and stumps, and ready to sell” (Ibid.), 5 as this is “a process that has already been tried Braz. Journ. Pop. Stud., Campinas, 2, 1999/2000 out in the United States and that inspires trust” (RPPPr, 1882: 79). Immigration, therefore, was an undertaking that required heavy investments for a province that had only recently been established. Characteristically, the discourse was almost always boastful and unilateral. It called for “fully occupying the province’s vast territory with an active population where everything flourishes under the force of nature, where European settlers encounter a climate similar to that of their homelands and where the climactic conditions are quite propitious for assuring the future already visible on the horizon” (RPPPr, 1854: 62). 6 Despite the mentioned changes in the immigration policy of Paraná during the last quarter of the 19th century, the issue of population still seemed to carry considerable weight in the government’s pronouncements. In 1897, the mayor of Curitiba, Candido Ferreira de Abreu, proclaimed that there was “serious need to take measures to increase the density of our population,” and asked: “Of what use are the vast territories where ferocious animals despotically reign free and which serve for leisurely outings of vagrant aborigines?” (RPPPr, 1897: 8). 7 If the declared objectives were to be attained, the immigrants would have to come in large numbers, but neither should their quality be neglected. When referring to the great project of settling “Germans from the Volga” in Campos Gerais, followed by 26 colonial centers in the late 1870s in the 3 [Translator’s Note] The text of this and several other quotes is in typically 19th-century Brazilian style and spelling in the original verson, difficult to render into English in this translation. For reference purposes. In all cases we will provide the original text in footnotes: “alto preço das passagens da Europa para o Brasil comparativamente á diminuta somma porque os colonos conseguem transportarse de seu paiz aos estados da União anglo-americana” 4 “que a colonização americana, que tanto se apregoa, realizou-se apoz enormes sacrifícios por parte do thesouro e dos particulares 5 “que quando os imigrantes se dirigem para a União Americana, Canadá e Austrália, encontram até derribadas feitas, terras destocadas e expostas á venda” (idem), sendo esse “um processo já experimentado nos Estados Unidos e que inspira confiança.” 6 “encher de população ativa o vasto território da província, onde tudo floresce a força da natureza, onde o colono europeu depara com um clima análogo ao de seu país natal, e onde finalmente a salubridade que tanto o distingue, é título de mais para confiar no futuro que se entreolha” 7 “preciso cuidar seriamente de aumentar a densidade de nossa população” e perguntava-se “de que nos servem vastos territórios onde imperam despoticamente animais ferozes e servem de passeio temporário ao errante aborígene?” 126 Andreazza, M.L. and Nadalin, S.O. municipalities of Ponta Grossa, Palmeira, and Lapa, the president of the province called attention to the fact that the plan involved receiving: “Spontaneous settlers in search of a new fatherland, not as adventurers, but in search of refuge and shelter from the hardships of life. Peaceful working men with the special qualities of the race to which they belong, the German Russian settlers come to our shores not in search of the fantasy of accumulating imaginary wealth. They are attracted by the mildness of our climate and the fertility of our land. They bring with them their tools and the fruit of their savings, which are powerful resources with which, in a short time, they will be able to multiply their assets to their own benefit, and with enormous advantages for Brazil.” (RPPPr, 1878: 54) 8 Besides helping to compensate for the province’s sparse population, immigration was considered “a major ethnic factor, aimed at strengthening the Brazilian organism which had been spoiled by the bad habits of origin and by the contact it has had with slavery” (REPORT by Miranda Ribeiro, 1888: 26). 9 References to the racial stains in the Brazilian population caused by the Indians and Blacks stood out in this and in many other official declarations of the period, and to some degree reflected the Brazilian mentality of the times. Continuing with this line of discourse and relating the country’s “defects of origin” with an attempt to dignify work, the arguments expanded. A colonization project was announced to facilitate “the supply of laborers and useful cultivators” (RPPPr, 1860: 60), to fill in for the “scarcity of laborers Braz. Journ. Pop. Stud., Campinas, 2, 1999/2000 to work on the roads” (RPPPr, 1855: 31). 10 Finally, there was clearly the need to “foster the immigration of upright and hard-working settlers” (Ibid: 21),11 “today, when the salutary law of emancipating the slaves has made us dependent on European workers” (RPPPr, 1875: 22]. 12 This meant the immigration of “upright and hard-working,” individuals, since everyone “was aware of the repugnance that the few fellows capable of doing this work showed” (RPPPr, 1855: 31]. 13 It was especially important to bring in individuals who would be useful in agriculture, as the scarcity of food was an urgent problem for Paraná. The colonization should continue in order to “save the Province from the state of decadence our agriculture has fallen into” (RPPPr, 1872: 65). 14 These observations, based on the official discourse present in the reports of the period, especially of the presidents of the Province of Paraná, lead to certain conclusions, which are doubtless tentative. First there was the fact that the impasse caused by the threat of the abolition of slavery permeated the theme of immigration and colonization. In the case of Paraná, it may well be that this problem was not especially important, since the local economy was not based solely on slave labor. However, the transition involved in the process implied a cultural transformation regarding work and, in this respect, it did take on importance and became intimately related with the immigration issue. Secondly, as for subsistence farming, the methods used and the volume of the output of food products were clearly 8 “colonos espontâneos, em busca de nova pátria, não como aventureiros, mas para refúgio e abrigo de seus penares, homens laboriosos e pacíficos com as distintas qualidades de raça a que pertencem, os colonos russos alemães não aportam em nossas praias guiados pela fantasia de colher riquezas imaginárias, mas apenas atraídos pela amenidade de nosso clima e pela fertilidade de nossas terras, trazendo consigo os instrumentos de trabalho e o fruto de suas economias, poderosos recursos com que dentro de pouco tempo poderão multiplicar os seus recursos, em proveito próprio e com grandes vantagens para o país.” 9 “fator étnico de primeira ordem, destinada a tonificar o organismo nacional abastardado por vícios de origem e pelo contato que teve com a escravidão” 10 “o suprimento de operários e de cultivadores úteis” 11 “promover a imigração de colonos morigerados e laboriosos” 12 “hoje que a salutar lei de emancipação dos escravos nos colocou na dependência do braço europeu” 13 “conhecida de todos a repugnância que mostram para esse serviço os poucos sujeitos capazes de nele empregar-se 14 “salvarmos a Província do estado de decadência a que chegou sua agricultura” 127 Andreazza, M.L. and Nadalin, S.O. precarious. Stated in another way, society was still suffering from its acute and chronic supply crisis, and urgently needed to renovate working practices. The local elite felt that only a miracle, provided by immigrants, both freemen and landowners, could save the day. Finally, Paraná was a province that had received its political independence as a province only a short time earlier, and saw in the occupation of its territory a way to guarantee its political space. Border disputes were an important factor in this process, but it should not be forgotten that the basic problem was how to solve a demographic issue. That is, the Paraná state government was seeking to establish a model for populating its territory. These considerations allow the assertion that the premises of the political economy - of which the demographic question was an integral part - already impregnated the ideology of the Brazilian elite and oriented the search for such a model. But the liberal discourse assumed in Brazil could not ignore the country’s past impregnated by slavery. In fact, the inheritance of slavery was very deep, and the ruling classes were dominated by fear. It was fear fed by the memory of the quilombos and by a certain Manichaeism that developed in the wake of the colonial legacy, whereby the captives passed from the state of victims of the system to the cause of its characteristic violence. All this fed the prejudices of the white minority. Not only were the Blacks bad, gross and violent; the entire mestizo population was unreliable and consequently not in a moral position to comply with the lofty national intentions of colonization and the conquest of the national territory. Braz. Journ. Pop. Stud., Campinas, 2, 1999/2000 In addition, the Blacks - representatives of a system that was to be abolished - were blamed for degrading the institution of work and were incapable of carrying out the important tasks so necessary at that moment. And this stigma included not only the Blacks, but the indigenous Brazilian Indians and the mestizos as well. In a tone very closely aligned with the times, one foreign witness gave a description in the following terms: “There is a class like this in every country, an inferior caste of civilization, perhaps more apparent in South America because it is easy to live in these plenteous domains and because the half-breed races, so common here, inherited the listless and careless habits of their Indian and African ancestors. Only a very few have the ambition to rise above mere animal life. They have increased the numbers of the population, but for the State they are truly worth nothing. They do neither good nor harm. They bring almost nothing to market and less yet do they take home. They live with a come-whatmay attitude and are satisfied when they have provisions for a day and a hut with a roof over their heads. Most will disappear, as the land is taken over by more industrious folk. They are destined to submerge and die before the wave of European immigration. Let them die! This is the only service they can render the country, and the inexorable law of progress has determined their extinction. I am not against their presentday felicity and, no doubt their picturesque way of living has a certain enchantment. A dead tree is also picturesque, but I prefer a living one. “ [in CARDOSO, 1962: 209] 15 From this point of view, freedom was “idleness,” and the only way to make a break with the system was to promote the arrival 15 “Há uma classe como esta em todos os paízes, extrato inferior da civilização, mais apparente talvez na America do Sul, porque é facil viver n’nestas plagas ubertosas, e porque as raças mestiças, tão comuns aqui, herdaram os habitos inertes e descuidadosos de seus antepassados indios e africos; apenas alguns têm a ambição de erguer-se da vida animal. Augmentaram as listas da população, mas para o estado são verdadeiro zero, não fazendo bem nem mal; quase nada trazem ao mercado e ainda menos levam para casa; vivem ao deus dará, satisfeitos quando têm provisão para um dia e palhoça que os abrigue. Hão de desapparecer em grande parte, à medida que da terra se forem apossando gentes mais industriosas; hão de submergir-se e morrer diante da onda de imigração européia. Pois que morram! É o único serviço que podem prestar ao paiz, e a lei inexoravel do progresso determinou sua extincção. Não lhes contesto sua felicidade presente, e seu viver pittoresco têm certo encanto, não ha duvida. Tambem uma arvore morta é pittoresca, mas prefiro a viva”. 128 Andreazza, M.L. and Nadalin, S.O. of foreign settlers. The proposal was a recipe for progress, possible by bringing in free, white, peaceful and hard-working immigrants, able to help purify and “strengthen” – meaning to whiten - both the Brazilian “race” and work itself. The contact with the European immigrants should serve to eliminate the stains in Brazilian society and lead the nation to produce. We would remind the reader that Colônia Assungui, mentioned above, in which Paraná invested so much and in whose success it deposited so much hope, was designed to receive not only foreigners of various backgrounds, but Brazilian settlers as well. In the eyes of the idealizers of this great undertaking, the resulting contact between foreigners and Brazilians would be salutary. The central message of the official discourse was based on several articulated lines of thinking. First, the settling and true possession of the territory by a new and prolific race comprised of families of settlers was an objective not only of a political nature, but likewise military and strategic. To occupy and to colonize meant to control the country. Secondly, but with the same degree of priority, was the substitution of the slave-based colonial regime with a system of production based on free work, and this meant replacing and innovating the nation’s labor force and its color. In other words, production was to be rationalized, freeing capital that was still paralyzed in slaves. Ideally, the intention was to install a new standard and type of production in the country, with new forms of ownership. European immigration thus proved to be a strategy of settlement with technical and “industrial” innovation in view, based on the pre-supposition of the superior quality of foreign laborers as “producers” of work. From this angle, purifying the race also meant teaching the native Brazilians to work. In synthesis, these were the guidelines involved in a complex mesh of factors. Sometimes the official discourse was merged with concerns about the question of the population, and sometimes it emphasized the renovation of work itself Braz. Journ. Pop. Stud., Campinas, 2, 1999/2000 (which was expected to free the creative spirit). It called attention to the arrival of free, upright and hard-working immigrant settlers who would sell their labor on either the coffee plantations or the necessary “public works”. Or they might become small land owners to occupy the demographic voids and supply the foodstuffs that were so urgently needed in the towns and cities. The public discourse, reiterated time and again, had repercussions in 19th-century Paraná, very clearly revealing the hopes for strengthening the Brazilian race. In fact, Paraná operated under the model of social Darwinism, striving to be included in civilization and in Western progress through racial improvement. In a century characterized by the strengthening of nationalisms, especially by asserting a glorious past, Paraná, like the rest of Brazil, intended to develop its political cohesion in a projection toward the future where the “defects of origin” and the contact with slavery would be remedied by a “strengthening of the national organism.” As was seen above, the question of filling in the demographic voids was the main emphasis during the first period of foreign immigration in Brazil. However, to conclude this section, it should be mentioned that the problems continued beyond that phase. These problems were related to other issues that justified not only the maintenance, but an increase in immigrational flows, based on the expected need of the monoculture landholders to fill in for the lack of field hands. This eventually became a reality with the prohibition of the slave trade and the gradual abolition of slavery itself. In other words, our hypothesis represents a certain explanation, in the period subsequent to the first wave of foreign laborers to Brazil, for the government’s concern with populating the territory, and this was intimately related to the substitution of slaves with free workers. The basic reasoning for the two questions was the same. In fact, they are very difficult to separate. First came the proposal for the white immigrants to strengthen the Brazilian race. Then, in the same vein, the European immigrants would strengthen the institution of work itself, and production, which had 129 Andreazza, M.L. and Nadalin, S.O. been distorted by slavery and by the darkskinned population. In view of the situation described above, all this seems also to indicate that the “strengthening of the Brazilian organism” consciously or unconsciously concealed the constant and recurrent desire of the ruling classes to maintain firm control over not only the country, but over the Brazilian population itself [BURMESTER, 1987], by regenerating it. Immigration and family: for a demographic history of cultural contacts The context of immigration to Paraná seems to have begun taking shape toward the middle of the 19th century, although a number of foreigners had already spontaneously moved to Curitiba some time earlier (in the 1830s). In 1850, 153 immigrants were counted in the municipality, representing 1.7% of the total population and almost 2% of the 7,861 free persons [see MAP of the inhabitants, 1850]. Shortly after the census of 1850, immigrants of German origin from Colônia Dona Francisca, in Joinville [State of Santa Catarina], began establishing small farms along the roads leading in and out of Curitiba, from Bigorilho to Graciosa, occupying the northwestern, northern and northeastern outlying areas of the city (HEISLER, undated: 69). In our opinion, this re-migratory movement cannot be considered truly “spontaneous” (BALHANA, 1969: 6). Although the departure of those immigrants might be described as spontaneous, given the harsh conditions at the beginning of Colônia Dona Francisca, it would seem to be more than mere coincidence that this movement took place immediately after the installation of the province. Even more germane to our present purpose is that the correspondence received by the presidents of the province contains indications that the provincial authorities had promised subsidies to foreigners who wished to settle there. It can nevertheless be supposed that, in view of the number of foreigners already living in Curitiba until that time, the number of 130 Braz. Journ. Pop. Stud., Campinas, 2, 1999/2000 re-immigrants must have been significant, if one takes into account the information sent to the president of the Province of Santa Catarina by the Director of Colônia Dona Francisca, in 1855. His report advised that more than 280 immigrants had abandoned the Joinville region and moved toward the Curitiba Plateau that year (BALHANA, 1969: 7). The renewed immigration as of 1870 involved an ambitious governmental program in Paraná designed to install colonies near the cities, with the main objective of solving the problem of food shortages once and for all. The plans resulted in the organization of centers between two and eight kilometers from one another in each municipality (Paranaguá, Morretes, Antonina, São José dos Pinhais, Campo Largo, Araucária and, especially, Curitiba). They were located within a radius that varied from two to thirty kilometers from the urban areas of the municipalities (BALHANA et al., 1969b: 168]. In terms of population, approximately 9,100 foreigners were settled by the program, of whom 6,900 (76%) on the Curitiba Plateau - 4,000 in the municipality of Curitiba itself, representing 44% of the total (Ibid: 164-167). The group of settlers was comprised of Germans, Italians and Poles, and in smaller numbers, French, Swiss and English. The majority of these villages are now districts of Curitiba, and many still bear their original names, such as Pilarzinho, Abranches, Santa Cândida, Orleans, Santa Felicidade, and others. The importance of Curitiba in this project was related not only to the numbers of immigrants who settled within the municipality, but also to the relative success of this enterprise. This fact probably encouraged the provincial authorities to expand it, especially the projects in Campos Gerais, or that of the already mentioned Russian Germans, responsible for the settlement of approximately 3,000 individuals distributed among 26 centers. Likewise, other colonies that were set up on the coast and places farther south in Paraná should be mentioned (790 and 47,000 individuals, respectively). The history of Andreazza, M.L. and Nadalin, S.O. these places was different, however, because results were not very satisfactory. It should be underscored that the positive results of the early colonies also encouraged the arrival of a significant number of re-immigrants from a number of regions in Paraná and even from other provinces. These persons seem to have settled in the colonies already established, or formed new colonies. Some may even have taken up typically urban activities (BALHANA et al., 1969b). One can imagine the impact caused by these great numbers of foreign settlers and re-immigrants on a traditional society, even though many of the new groups were not in direct and permanent contact with the local population. According to the first Brazilian census carried out by the Empire, the population of Curitiba in 1872 totaled 11,730 inhabitants. The second census was carried out in 1890, by which time Brazil had been declared a republic, and it showed a population of 24,553 individuals living there (Martins, 1941: 94-95). Without carrying out calculations, it can be supposed that there were roughly 15,000 people living in the municipality in the late 1880s. Going back to the figures mentioned above concerning the colonization around Curitiba, if our calculations are minimally accurate, it can be concluded that 25% to 30% of the area’s population consisted of foreigners. The actual figure might have been even higher, since the numbers of re-immigrants are not included in these calculations. In fact, these re-immigrations were indeed spontaneous, and are hard to calculate, because they left no trace on the local records. This was approximately the time (1878) when what could be called the first stage of the colonization of the province was coming to an end. Between one fourth and one third of the population is a considerable proportion, even if those involved had only partial contact with the “Luso-Brazilian” majority surrounding them. This impact was to the immigrants’ disadvantage. They were considered foreigners and they undoubtedly felt foreign in their new but often hostile environment. There is considerable empirical evidence Braz. Journ. Pop. Stud., Campinas, 2, 1999/2000 to indicate that the relationships between the immigrants and the broader society that received them were based on the differences. Consequently, the construction - or “re-construction” - of the identities of the demographic groups involved in these processes must be understood historically. That is, one must consider the multiplicity of the cultures in contact with one another inside a space that, until then, had been occupied by traditional, highly hierarchical local communities centered basically around the relationships between ranchers and slaves. These were the circumstances in which an “immigrant culture” developed in southern Brazil as a response given by foreigners to expectations expressed by Brazilian society, or, more exactly, by its ruling classes. One fact is clear: this immigrant culture, these ethnic communities, also took shape in answer to the hopes created by the immigrants themselves, despite the cultural differences that still connected them in specific ways to their European forebears. There were also disparities related to the various factors that operated and led those individuals to emigrate. In fact, the various and diversified identities were built up historically as defenses for the survival of the immigrants and their descendants. It might also be conjectured that these identities served as learning systems unconsciously built up and channeled to the best possible integration of the foreigners into a new milieu. Self-preservation and integration are therefore two basic variables that can explain the entire process of formation of ethnic groups, of cultures in contact. In Paraná, the Germans, Italians, Poles and Ukrainians, to mention only a few of the national groups that set down anchor in the tides of the last century, were the most representative. Each group with its own specific characteristics organized itself by constructing or re-constructing its history, its myths and its folklore. These populations thus remained closely linked to their “sending” societies for more than a generation, by forging social chains 131 Andreazza, M.L. and Nadalin, S.O. [HALBWACHS, 1941: 100]. This fact was sustained not only by the continuous migratory flows, but also by the establishment of other physical, intellectual and spiritual links. As a consequence, the aspects of conservation propitiated a certain social unity, “accompanied by a common awareness and a certain cohesion in action” (GOLFIN, 1973: 94). There was an ethnically engendered common consciousness, as well as collective practices partially determined by solidarity based on the same state of spirit originating from the established chain (HALBWACHS, 1941). The individuals continued to be socially integrated in this chain, in a unity that had a certain duration (BIROU, 1973: 180). That is, by continuing to be immigrants, the characteristic bonds of the social group remained in place. It should be observed that the fact that these groups remained immigrants for over a generation in some cases, depending on the circumstances involved, meant that their children, as members of the groups considered themselves, or were considered by others as “immigrants.” The ties with the motherland, equally (re)constructed, were thus kept alive and idealized. The various stories that might be told take into account the specific aspects of a Germanic group that gradually moved to the city and set down roots based on contact with one another, while at the same time participating in a society in a rapid process of urbanization. At some places roots were defined by being of “Italian” or of “Poles” descent, constructed in colonies located on the fringe of the city. Elsewhere, a certain distance away keeping somewhat aloof from the influence of the urban markets, was a “paradise of delicacies” organized by the Ukrainians [ANDREAZZA, 1992]. The stories should consider the paces of building up an ethnic community, combined with other factors that defined the social history of the State of Paraná. We would like to believe that the temporalities created by the contradictions inherent to cultural contacts, within a long-lasting social context, were comprised of various levels of both “centripetal” and “centrifugal” forces. The 132 Braz. Journ. Pop. Stud., Campinas, 2, 1999/2000 former tended to strengthen the bonds with the local community, while the latter involved disaggregating forces imposed by the development of broader social relationships in a city that was in a process of modernization and whose inhabitants were gradually adapting to the market. Therefore, the immigrants could be found in their own ethnic groups as well as at churches, since the church was closely related not only to the everyday life of the immigrants and their descendants, but to ethnicity itself. In the exemplary case of the Germans in Curitiba, most were of the Lutheran persuasion, and the names of most of them, both Protestants and Catholics, can be found at least once in the parish records. The lives of many of them were inscribed in the organized churches, in records of baptisms, weddings and funerals. The convenient arrangement of the information obtained in these records made it possible to reconstitute hundreds of families, involving thousands of individuals who had participated in one degree or another in the Evangelical (NADALIN, 1978) or the Catholic communities (RANZI, 1993). The formation of the nuclear families in Curitiba, consisting of couples of Germanic origin and their children, indicates that, beyond the religious squabbles and distinctions, the union among the members of the group was cemented into a single ethnic destiny. The bond was constituted by Deutschtum, by “being German.” A preliminary examination of the families registered in the Lutheran parochial records showed that, under the generic label of “Germans,” the members of the Deutsche Evangelische Gemeinde in Curitiba came from numerous regional backgrounds, especially the first generation of immigrants. In the “pioneer” phase of the history of this parish, foreigners were naturally in the majority, and included individuals from Prussia, Silesia, Pomerania, Hannover, Hamburg, Rennes and Switzerland. Some were from Schleswig-Holstein or Mecklenburg, others from Saxony, Turingia, Westphalia, Alsace-Lorraine, and other places. There were even a few Bavarians Andreazza, M.L. and Nadalin, S.O. and Austrians (NADALIN, 1975: 122), these latter being Catholic by tradition. The differences are even more pronounced if one takes into consideration the complex distinctions of culture (WILLEMS, 1980: 28-40) and local dialects. At a greater degree of detail, there are distinctions of origin between city and country, and there were distinctions related to the times when the individuals immigrated to Brazil. The differences thus become so numerous that it would seem impossible to group the immigrants under a general heading. But the indications are that the contrasts were leveled off in the process of building up the ethnic identity, and it is this fact that allows one to generalize. From a broader perspective, a social group was identified whose “cohesion in action” brought about the convergence of a wide range of regional diversities. The years that apparently cover the arrival of the first generation of the Germanic groups on the Planalto Curitibano seem to indicate a specific context. From the cultural point to view, our hypothesis is that “resistance” was maximum and, therefore, “intervention” by the receiving society was minimal (RUDNICKYJ, 1964). To be consistent, one must conclude that this first period in the history of the group was characterized by the development of new knowledge, under the impact undergone by its members upon moving into a new reality, and their consequent withdrawal into a closed community. This learning process was probably also characterized by the need for these families to come closer to one another and lower the barriers that existed in function of their different cultural inheritances. As contacts developed, the initial marginalization was overcome, and the immigrants gradually underwent stronger cultural influence from society at large and, as a result, the group as a whole was able to develop a new ethnic identity. Even after this identity had been consolidated, however, the group remained endogamic. The maintenance of endogamy - which reinforced the individual’s ethnic identity was possible thanks to the vegetative growth Braz. Journ. Pop. Stud., Campinas, 2, 1999/2000 of group itself, as well as to the continued immigration from Germany. In addition, since the previous century, the arrival of foreigners had less and less influence on the group’s growth, and re-migration became more important as a factor in internal migrations in southern Brazil, within the radius of the states of Rio Grande do Sul, São Paulo and, especially, Santa Catarina. By comparing data collected from family files, we were able to come to some conclusions about the fecundity of these ethnic groups (NADALIN, 1978; BIDEAU & NADALIN, 1988). The couples who married in the Lutheran community were grouped into three cohorts, or sub-groups, of family histories, separated from one another in time by approximately one generation. The full lineages were obtained for each family, calculated on the basis of the fecundity rates. Those families whose married life began between 1866 (the year when the first records were made in the community) and 1894 had an average of six or seven children, extending in time as long as the woman’s fertility lasted or as long as the couple deliberately took the risk of conception (or even as long as the union lasted). The subsequent group, whose families were constituted between 1895 and 1919 under the same conditions, had fewer children, an average of four or five. The last sub-group - comprised of couples married between 1920 and 1939 - had an average of two to three live births. This would lead one to suppose that there was a significant reduction in fecundity, especially in the period between the world wars. These observations indicate that the number of children born to couples married in the second half of the 19th century were especially important in guaranteeing the high growth rate of the ethnic community. The fall in fecundity of the second cohort explains the fall in the natural growth of the group during the 20th century, especially as of the 1920s. This fact was set off by the arrival of large numbers of new immigrants of German origin during the same period. In fact, between 1920 and 1939, the numbers of German immigrants was higher, in absolute numbers, that in the preceding century. 133 Andreazza, M.L. and Nadalin, S.O. Fecundity fell from one sub-group to the next. What does that mean? This type of conclusion is not important in itself, since it is consistent with hundreds of other cases, regardless of the period in time and the cultures and social categories involved. Therefore, the figures shown by the group of German immigrants and their descendants in Curitiba between 1866 and 1939 was not much different from those shown by populations in general along the road to modernity, although the chronology may vary from one demographic group to another (and regardless of whether one highlights their ethnic, socioeconomic, or regional characteristics, or others, depending on the interest of the analysis). What does matter here is that the path taken by this population consisted of a unique and original experience of a determined social group. It is a reality characterized by the dynamics of cultural contacts made more complex by the intraand inter-ethnic social relationships generated by the urbanization process. The reduction in fecundity should be understood in this context of transformations, and this will aid us in dealing with the broad spectrum of changes involving the changes in Western family structures (SHORTER, 1977). In addition, to the extent that a complex network of ethnic relationships and contacts exists, with different combinations depending on the temporal cuts established, the use of a demographic perspective could give some meaning to the apparent chaos of reality. In other words, the relationships to be established on the basis of reproductive behavior in the group bring up aspects that require explanation. Completing an earlier observation, “German immigrants” could be found at churches and schools, as well as in musical, athletic or shooting organizations. But they were especially organized into “families” constituting domestic units. The Lutheran Church, a typical type of association, and other institutions founded and organized by immigrants, consolidated ethnic consciousness. But it was basically in the family unit that the group reproduced. 134 Braz. Journ. Pop. Stud., Campinas, 2, 1999/2000 It should also be stressed that the social organization characteristic of the group was closely associated both to the type of urban work carried out - which would likewise make a reading based on “class” pertinent - and to the ethnic relationships that were set up. This close association affects the re-creation of the domestic unit and the bonds of kinship that were established. The consequent social structure inside the group intervened in matrimonial choices and in the division of work, defining the various roles in the home and, more broadly, in the family. Thus, frequently going beyond the home and the conjugal unit, social relationships were reproduced in the microcosm of interconnections between relationships involving friendship, godfathers and godmothers, neighborhood, business, and others existing in the group, on the basis of the family unit. These connections were grounded on the possibility of a broad definition of kinship, not necessarily restricted to blood ties and similar relationships. This is a likelihood that we would like to suggest in the situation we are defining, characteristic of many traditional societies. It is a possibility much more closely related to the family as an “idea” than as a concrete category in the social organization (ANDERSON, 1984: 37-64). When we reconstituted families according to techniques of historical demography, we began with the demographic core, the reproductive nucleus, that is, a man and a woman, and their children. Considering the premise that the reproduction of a population is an important aspect of its social reproduction, the “immigrants,” as members of the ethnic community, not only reproduced themselves in their children. They also re-created, through biological reproduction, part of the successive generations that made up the social group in time and, in its foundations, the demographic material, both of the group and of a determined view of the world - ethnically reconstructed, as we said above. As a consequence, this type of situation must be put into context if we are to explain the demographic behavior of the men and Andreazza, M.L. and Nadalin, S.O. women we are studying. We will thus have to broaden our earlier observations, articulating the fecundity rates with the average ages of the mothers at marriage and the dates of birth of each one’s last child. The quantitative data already presented does not adequately portray the complexity of the analysis. It was aimed at expressing the overall evolution of fecundity, in terms of the total number of descendants generated by some of the couples in the group - which would seem to be representative. It would therefore be well to go further into the question, recalling that the presentation below consists of a brief summary of demographic analyses already published [BIDEAU & NADALIN, 1988]. The number of children born per one thousand women, based on the mother’s age when giving birth to a child, can be represented graphically in curves, which express the “average” reproductive behavior of each of the groups of couples, classified into three the cohorts mentioned above. Therefore, the curves for the fecundity rates of the first sub-group of families (married between 1866 and 1894) are convex, typical of populations that do not voluntarily limit the number of offspring. This convexity reveals histories of mothers whose fecundity decreased gradually and “naturally” to the average age of 38.6 years. A good number of these women therefore dedicated almost their entire fertile life cycles in producing their descendants (average of 6.8 children). In the two following sub-groups (18961919, and 1920-1939) there is a clear break with the pattern shown by the first cohort, and not only in regard to the continuous reduction in fecundity (4.6 and 2.6 children, respectively). These differences can be seen in the lower curves and, what is perhaps more significant, in their concavity. The second cohort shows quite clearly that, once the couples attained the desired number of children, they began applying what Braz. Journ. Pop. Stud., Campinas, 2, 1999/2000 demographers call contraceptive brakes. There are indications that the third group of couples of the ethnic community controlled the number of offspring from the outset of the marriage. This would explain the trend toward fewer children, estimated at two or three. The fall in the average age at which the women had their last child also indicates the use of contraceptive methods. One can see another fall, from an average age of 38.6 in the first cohort to 34.6 in the second. 16 It would also be important to note that these differences were accompanied by changes in marrying behavior patterns. The women’s age at first marriage increased from one sub-group to the next, the averages being 21.1, 21.9 and 23.1, respectively. In other words, the young people of the community in the third sub-group were marrying an average of two years later than the first sub-group. The reduction in fecundity can also be seen in the shorter histories of maternity. The women in the first cohort had their last child after an average of 17.5 years of marriage while, in the following cohorts, these periods decreased substantially, to 12.7 and 11.5 years (the average for this last period was estimated, presuming that the age of the last childbirth of the women in the third group took place at about the same age as those in the second, which is probably not the case). The studies on fecundity among the Germans in Curitiba and their descendants between 1866 and 1939 make it possible to describe a first sub-group of families. Most were made up of couples of immigrants, to judge from the weddings performed in the local parish between the date of founding of the Lutheran community and the end of the 19th century. The data obtained by comparing our files of family reconstitution indicate that these couples employed no type of contraception during the reproductive period of their marriage. (It might be better to say that very few seem to have limited 16 In view of the statistical cut determined here, at December 31, 1939, most of the women in the cohort that arrived between 19201939 could not be followed up on until at least 45 years of age. Therefore, the average age at last childbirth was not calculated for these mothers. 135 Andreazza, M.L. and Nadalin, S.O. their fertility, since it is of course possible that some, or ever considerable numbers, did used contraceptive methods, or even interrupted one or more pregnancies.) These analyses evidence that the pioneer families seem to have shown reproductive behavior similar to that of their parents and grandparents, if one looks at statistics regarding some regions in Germany (Ministère du Travail et de le Prévoyance Sociale, 1907: 209). In a comparison of fecundity, by placing one curve over the other, it could be seen that there are similarities in the levels of the curves, and their relative convexity (NADALIN, 1978: 310; BIDEAU & NADALIN, 1988). This, of course, is a tentative conclusion, since it is based on the hypothesis that the generations of German women, seen as a whole during the period studied (1876 to 1880), maintained at least similar demographic behavior. However, this was not the case for the beginning of reproductive age. The young men and women in Curitiba married earlier, on the average, than their fellow countrymen in Germany. This is especially true of the women. Those in Brazil married at the average age of 21, and those in the motherland between age 26 and 27, generalizing from statistics published by the Prussian State (Ministère du travail et de la Prévoyance Sociale, 1907). That is, a difference of almost five and a half years. The averages seen in Germany were relatively consistent with the so-called Western pattern of age at marriage, showing relatively late ages for both men and women. In contrast, both immigrants of Germanic origin and some of their descendants in Curitiba belonging to the first sub-group being considered here neared the Brazilian standard for beginning their reproductive life. It is highly probable that the earlier age for marrying reflected a change in the articulation between land and demography, which was the result of migration itself. It seems that this relationship, in the case of Curitiba, was related to the granting of free land to the foreign settlers in the outlying areas of the city, a fact which probably made it easier for the young people to set up their 136 Braz. Journ. Pop. Stud., Campinas, 2, 1999/2000 own households. In any event, the matter is still an open question, and we could even ask to what extent the situation of being pioneers, related to the initial difficulties of getting settled, might not have led the parents to encourage earlier weddings for their children. The life histories of most of the families comprised of “Teuto-Brazilian” couples formed in the 20th century, in contrast, indicated a double behavioral revolution in comparison with the cohort that preceded them. One change could be called Malthusian, represented by the postponement of the age to marry, and the other, Neomalthusian, represented by the use of contraceptive methods (MACFARLANE, 1990: 45). Based on these empirical conclusions, the next point is to understand why and how these changes occurred in the community, considering the theoretical context of the construction of an ethnic identity related to an urbanization process. It is a complex question, since there are no documentary sources to give us information about these couples’ private lives. The only way to solve the problem is using the successive probing method, based on the total numbers calculated and grounded on some already familiar theoretical systems. In this regard, we would first be tempted to linearize our analysis on the basis of a scheme that is now classical, known as demographic transition. The first explanations that attempted to deal with this process were based on the idea that the fecundity fell because of a lower mortality rate (especially infant mortality). Therefore, the reasons for the transition should be sought in a single causation, namely, in improved public health conditions and medical knowledge. It is clear that the factor of mortality and morbidity rates should not be disregarded, since they constitute a real phenomenon in the 19th century. In Brazil, especially, rates probably began falling at the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th, and may have affected the group in question. In fact, some analyses allow one to raise the hypothesis, also quite tentative, of a Andreazza, M.L. and Nadalin, S.O. privileged situation of the community in this regard (MACEDO, BURMESTER and NADALIN, 1984). However, without disregarding the explanation for the mortality, we believe we should avoid using models that tend to be overly mechanical, due to the complexity of social reality. The majority of the authors agree that marriage and fecundity should be approached in a specific way, as intervening variables in the overall process of demographic transition (MACFARLANE, 1990: 34-62). The beginning of reproductive age and fecundity are not purely biological phenomena. They also involve manifestations of culture. As a result, we would appeal to the now familiar dichotomy between typical family structures in traditional peasant societies, and the individualized, nuclear family, characteristic of Western societies or, in a broader sense, of modernity. Although it may be suitable to our purposes here, this perspective of analysis still runs the risk of absolutizing linearity. One must therefore take care not to fall into one pitfall while avoiding another. How can these methodological snares be described? First, as the illusion of some absolute synchrony in behavioral changes, misconstruing the contradictory contacts between the modern and the traditional in history. In addition, a historian who works with quantitative methods must be aware of their limitations. Notwithstanding the accuracy that specific techniques may afford the researcher, he or she must also be aware that the data obtained may contain unexpected contradictions. In this respect, it is symptomatic that, on the basis of the distribution of their children in time, the German families in the pioneer subgroup showed a certain balance between the number of small, medium and large families, of two to four, five to seven, and eight to ten children, respectively, representing an overall average of six children, and a mode of seven (NADALIN, 1978: 322-323). Therefore, knowing the upper and lower limits, the articulation of the figures with theoretical models - even if merely linear constitutes a very fertile course of action for Braz. Journ. Pop. Stud., Campinas, 2, 1999/2000 analyzing reality. One can see representative demographic behavior in the cohort under consideration, represented by a certain kind of family, probably of peasant origin. As a result, the hypothesis is that there is probably a certain homogeneousness indicated by the variables related to fecundity – that must be adapted before one can try to understand the process in general. This said, we feel it would now be well to characterize the pioneer sub-group more clearly, and then try to describe the path of the families that followed. Regarding this early group, we are convinced that, underlying the numbers presented, there was a traditional type of sociability, at least for the majority of the families. Relatively high fertility and a predominance of large families were indications of the peasant attitudes of the immigrants regarding marriage, women, wives and children. For the Germans who went to Curitiba in the third quarter of the 19th century, a child was “a very useful commodity to be produced.” Since a domestic system of production was set up around the town of Curitiba, the number of offspring was of fundamental importance to the settlers’ survival. In other words, children were a necessary and profitable investment, as they were intended not only to produce for the family’s own subsistence, but to create a surplus to be sold at market in the city, including poultry, dairy products, fruit and vegetables. Children born into a world where these mechanisms were in place were generally legitimated by marriage or, in some cases, by a stable consensual union. In this regard, it can be said that it never occurred to these immigrants to control their fertility. In the peasant’s world, to make the best use of one’s fertility meant social and economic advantages and, in a relationship of reciprocity, support in one’s old age. In Europe, these characteristics seem to have tended to disintegration. For some time, the history of the family showed the practice of late marriages, very closely related to the demands of the labor market. Father-mother-child constituted a model that spread, representing a process whereby 137 Andreazza, M.L. and Nadalin, S.O. everyday family life became an independent and private matter. Nevertheless, high fecundity rates were retained, as we saw, indicating the relative absence of Neomalthusian behavior. In respect to fertility, these changes mirrored flexible mechanisms of fecundity, regulated by marriage patterns (BIDEAU, 1984: 50-6). We are dealing here with a process which is difficult to date, although its indicators are undoubtedly of long duration. In any event, even before Malthus, the peasants of Western Christendom were already trying to overcome the barriers of poverty by delaying marriage or even going to the extreme of choosing permanent celibacy. To the extent that emigration meant overcoming a number of obstacles pointed out by Malthus, we can ask to what extent this also meant the possibility of the emergence of a different family model in the receiving countries. We are referring especially here to the very concrete and specific case of the sub-group of pioneer German immigrants to Curitiba, whose family histories began within a very closed community. The later age at first marriage and the maintenance of a relatively high fecundity might have been responses to the traumas, fears and desires related to migration and, especially, to the cultural shock characteristic of the marginal phase. This behavior shows once more the flexibility of demographic regimes not only in regard to economic factors as some authors have shown, but also in regard to the socio-cultural conditions of existence. In an inherited peasant system, to which most of the immigrants and re-immigrants on the Curitibano Plateau belonged, the stimulus to marriage and parenthood came to the fore because there were no obstacles. Easy access to land and the promise of a market at which to sell surplus production fit in well with the inherited demands to define social status in the community based on Braz. Journ. Pop. Stud., Campinas, 2, 1999/2000 having a big family. This status was also in line with a tradition of masculinity that meant the right to a fertile wife and many children. This was all that a man could desire. It was his satisfaction, his honor and his wealth. For the women, traditional peasant femininity was related to fertility. In a such an environment, it is not difficult to understand the high rate of pre-nuptial conceptions in this first group of marriages (1866-1894). This phenomenon was also common in at least some regions of Germany in the second half of the 19th century (SHORTER, 1973). Of all the couples that remained in the community until at least the birth of their first child, we saw that, of each ten brides analyzed, at least two (21.3%) did not have the right to wear a bridal veil and wreath at the altar. In fact, there were probably many more. When one compares the fecundity of the families whose wedding and first birth were separated in time by more than eight months, with those couples with a shorter interval - meaning pre-matrimonial conception - we see that the fecundity of the latter families was higher for all age groups. This observation allows the conclusion that, besides the brides who were pregnant or already mothers at their first wedding, there was undoubtedly a certain number of women who had lost their virginity before marrying but failed to conceive. This number is difficult to estimate, but it is probably significant (BIDEAU and NADALIN, 1990: 140). 17 Besides these cases, in practice, one out of every ten couples (calculated at 8.5%), if not more, were clearly living in a consensual union for a certain time before the wedding, which union resulted in the birth of at least one child, who was therefore considered “illegitimate” in the eyes of the Church and the law. Many other couples, we do not know how many, never married. With rare exceptions, the records are laconic in this regard, and we must ask if this very 17 It is estimated that the odds for a young, healthy couple to conceive after a single act of sexual intercourse is between 2% and 4%. This means that conception usually occurs only after many weeks, or even months of unprotected sexual relations (STONE, 1989:311). 138 Andreazza, M.L. and Nadalin, S.O. brevity is not a lack of concern by the community about these events, or simply a very limited number of cases. The inherited customs, meaning the perpetuation of Germanic and peasant cultural traits, therefore seem to have been stronger than the formal rules for these foreign immigrants and their descendants (NADALIN, 1988: 70). The traditional village communities knew how to control the relationships between the young men and women, under the mantle of traditional customs. Some of these, which could be generalized as “nighttime courting” (SHORTER, 1977: 129-130), carried local names which varied from place to place and from dialect to dialect. Besides regional terms, there were also the words Probenacht (proof night), Kommnacht (arrival night), Kiltgang (night visits to a young woman), and Gasselgang (WILLEMS, 1980: 304), related to customs that regulated the visits made by young men to the bedrooms of the girls of the village. 18 These practices are institutions that, besides providing all the youth of the village with knowledge of the “matrimonial market,” also regulated the intimate contacts and sexual intercourse among the community’s unmarried members. Concurrently with these functions, it would seem that, in one way or another, what was also of interest was the young people’s ability to procreate. In practice, the young women were more closely watched. The proof nights would continue “until both parties were convinced of their reciprocal physical aptitude for marriage, or the girl became pregnant. Only then would the peasant ask her in marriage, and the engagement and wedding followed in rapid succession.” In such a system, it was obviously very rare for a young man to abandon a girl he had made pregnant. Nevertheless, it was very common for Braz. Journ. Pop. Stud., Campinas, 2, 1999/2000 “the couple to terminate these visits after the first or second proof night. The young lady did not run the risk of acquiring a bad reputation because, very shortly thereafter, another young man would appear who was interested in a new romance.” The value attributed to a woman’s virginity was limited, and the young women’s and young men’s reputations were not damaged by the practice in itself, “but rather with the fruitless repetition of proof nights with various individuals.” In fact, one strong indication of the importance the peasants gave to a woman’s fertility is that a pregnant young lady was more highly considered than one whose capacity to procreate had yet to be proven. 19 One could even say that the admiration was for the couple’s fertility. What appears clear is that this behavior, perhaps seen as quite loose for today’s standards, was limited to the family sphere. The peasants were not forbidden to take certain liberties with the opposite sex under the community’s supervision, but, sexual intercourse was conditioned to the promise to wed. In fact, for the cases observed, “irregular” pregnancy or birth was always followed by matrimony. This is confirmed by noting that, in this group, illegitimacy strictly speaking, meaning the absence of the father’s name in the baptismal records, was rarely higher than one case per one hundred births. In contrast, in the receiving society of Luso-Brazilian origin, the proportion of illegitimate children was as high as 20.7% to 24.1% between 1851 and 1880. According to indications, these cases were limited to pre-nuptial conceptions (MIRANDA, 1978: 142-3; VALLE, 1983). An indication of traditional behavior patterns inherited by the group vis-a-vis the family can be seen here. Cultural ties are not easily broken and, in this respect, numerous offspring and characteristically peasant behavior related to sexuality were maintained. It could be added that 18 These practices seem to be quite similar to the intimate courting practice known in England as bundling. It was common among the working classes in the 17th and 18th centuries (STONE, 1989:309-310). 19 The quotations and inferences in this paragraph are taken from WILLEMS (1980:305). 139 Andreazza, M.L. and Nadalin, S.O. endogamy and a “moral” economy also defined the horizon for the majority of the members of the immigrant community, since they were part of the traditional rural world. However, as pointed out above, the loss of roots, the migration, and the culture shock, which are interrelated processes, led the members of the group to remain closed into an ethnic enclave at the beginning of their life in Brazil. The family structure set up by these immigrants was undoubtedly the outcome of this situation. In other words, it was important to marry as soon as possible, even precociously, with the objective of survival, meaning reproduction, which was seen as the purpose of the family. Sexuality was therefore not repressed, but channeled to procreation. Were these the expressions of the skills Willems 20 referred to as proper to the “marginal group”? It is possible. In any case, we are not dealing with “Europeans” but rather with “immigrants.” Cultural inheritances were therefore reorganized in view of the specific situation faced by the group. This is the origin of the idea of redefining family structures on the basis of the enclave. The situation described above and the empirical evidence we have brought together allow one to suppose the creation of new solidarities, based on the group’s common experience, its neighbors, and the establishment of new rules of kinship. As a consequence, a semi-extended family arose, structured around the initial conditions of the insertion of the immigrants into the receiving society, where parents, brothers and sisters, in-laws, and godmothers and godfathers all had a place, redefining the bases of new networks of kinship. We feel that it was on these foundations, built up by a group that was opposed to all, or almost all, cultural interference from the surrounding LusoBrazilian society, that the mechanisms for the process that followed were established, 20 Braz. Journ. Pop. Stud., Campinas, 2, 1999/2000 namely, the construction of an ethnic identity alongside the integration of the group into the society of Curitiba. Having noted inherited behaviors in relation to fecundity and sexuality in the pioneer sub-group and indications of change in the subsequent cohorts, one might ask to what extent these attitudes changed from one generation to the next, not only in response to the dynamics of cultural contacts, but also regarding the insertion of the group into a society which was undergoing rapid urbanization. The early experiences of the pioneer immigrants who settled near Curitiba, living a typically rural way of life, was virtually lost in terms of the city’s history. Likewise, the first church built by the Lutheran community, in Pomeranian style with a central column, tower and labels was forgotten with the passage of time. It was later torn down and in its place a larger, taller and more solid gothic church was built. This is the church that still stands today. Local society has rationalized that the little church on Rua Inácio Lustosa is older, to judge from the style of its construction. Likewise, the history of the German immigrants in Curitiba was characterized by common sense. These inhabitants have always been considered urban dwellers who became involved in the commercial and industrial activities of the city, opening up general stores, bakeries, beer halls, dishware and hardware stores, and factories, or exercising liberal professions. Having ascended socially, the groups often became related to the local elite of Luso-Brazilian origin. There is also the false impression that, gilded by this memory, the Germanic immigrants or their descendants who became part of the working class in the process were not “Germans,” but “Polacks.” Forgotten facts, prejudices and images, no doubt based on reality, are all involved in the process. The German names on commercial establishments, the Teutonic influence on The “marginal group,” characteristic of very early stages of cultural contacts, include “great skill, mental conflicts accompanied by more or less serious mal-adjustment, feelings of inferiority, resentment, and ambivalent attitudes” (WILLEMS, 1940:175). 140 Andreazza, M.L. and Nadalin, S.O. urban architecture, and the gothic church on Rua Trajano Reis are all monuments that characterize the German district in Curitiba - passed on from the Germans of the second generation. We would say that the true origin of this history is to be found in the gradual transition of the children of the pioneers from farm to city. These latter gradually mingled in with the more recent immigrants with more urban backgrounds, who continued arriving until the 1930s. By that time, the phase of the enclave was a thing of the past, and the immigrants had matured. The mosaic of cultures that made up the marginal group had now become part of the melting pot of an “immigrant culture,” under the aegis of a re-created common history. The acculturation of the second generation into the city took place in a context wherein an identity was being created. In the process the (re)construction of this identify was augmented by the multiple reinforcement of the links in the social chain established with the sending society, increasingly focused on the German Reich. This chain seems to have been maintained until the Second World War (NADALIN, 1987). The bonds were strongly affected by the Pan-Germanic movements covered in the Germanic and TeutoBrazilian press, that had wide circulation in the city. The same social fabric into which the ethnic community of new immigrants was grafted underwent a contradiction that pulled it in opposite directions. On the one hand, the newcomers brought news of the fatherland far away, thus reinforcing the immigrant culture, the German community. But this also introduced conflicts that pulled against the cohesion of the group and tended to stretch it to its limits. We saw that the demographic changes that took place during this period (the second cohort) were evidenced mainly by the fall and alterations in the fecundity curve, indicating more frequent use of means of contraception. But there was also an increase in average age at marriage. Although slight, this increase characterized a “Malthusian” evolution, in addition to a truly “Neomalthusian” revolution. All Braz. Journ. Pop. Stud., Campinas, 2, 1999/2000 indications are that these changes took place in a context of broader and deeper changes, including a break with the concept of family that had been fashioned when the ethnic identity was first being established. The new rationality imposed by urbanization also entailed the advent of a new attitude toward children. For the peasant families of the first cohort, children were a necessary asset for the family’s survival. But beginning with the second generation, and even more so with the third, it became increasingly clear to both the new immigrants and the descendants of the pioneers that a life of fulfillment was to be found beyond procreation. This meant a trend toward concentrating child-bearing in the earlier phases of marriage, in a context of a new and positive view of marriage and offspring. Despite all their advantages, a wife, children and a home, began to be seen essentially as entries on the expense column of the ledger of everyday life. We are therefore dealing with a cultural change that forced the group to re-define the project of marriage. In the city, the family was no longer a productive unit. From the men’s point of view, for example, new criteria had to be found for choosing a wife. In other words, material considerations, including the idea of a hardy and fertile wife, were replaced by values increasingly related to “romantic love.” Gradually, the choice became an individual matter, indicating less pressure from the extended family. The decision to marry now meant relative independence of young persons, even in view of the limits that still existed in relation to the matrimonial market, which was founded on an endogamous practice of an ethnic nature. The achievement of independence tended to postpone the age at which to wed. In the pioneer generation, which was essentially peasant, the new couple’s home could be built under the protective mantle of the newlyweds’ parents. But as of the second generation, setting up a home increasingly depended on the resources of the young couple itself. As is known, this process also corresponds to a trend toward the “nuclearization” of the family. Modernity also meant leaving behind other types of behavior shown by the 141 Andreazza, M.L. and Nadalin, S.O. peasant group and taking up contraceptive practices. As a consequence of the adoption of new values by the community related to the process of cultural contacts, there was also a substantial fall in pre-conjugal conceptions (from 21.3% to 11.8%). With urbanization and the process of cultural contacts, a new morale gradually took hold of the group (NADALIN, 1988), resulting in attitudes toward sex that might be called characteristically “Victorian”. In retrospect This study represents an attempt to go back to some earlier lines of investigation and go over what has already been discussed regarding the history of the occupation of Paraná. The intention, of course, was not to exhaust the topic, but perhaps to cast new light on earlier interpretations. This explains the synthetic nature of part of the text. Next, the population of Paraná was considered in view of certain well-known generalizations and widely accepted models, at least in their structural forms. Generalizations were made and paradigms proposed, based on the knowledge of other histories, other realities. We considered their consistencies within the broader context of southern Brazil where the immigrants settled. We then asked once again: To what extent does the model remain consistent when the aspect of cultural contacts resulting from immigrations is introduced into its clockwork? At this point, seeking to emphasize the experience of the immigrants, we chose the German-speaking foreigners as a pretext to introduce the reader into a much broader theme of investigation. This discussion was enlivened by an exercise of re-creation for which, however, we have little, very little data. Some figures, calculated methodically, were articulated one with the other and with references available on the topic. The result was the delineation of a system that functions like a machine. The narrative may give the reader this impression, but if we consider the immigrational process in a 142 Braz. Journ. Pop. Stud., Campinas, 2, 1999/2000 broader sense, as a system of equations with an extraordinary number of variables and unknowns - due to the complexity of the social relationships involved - countless hypotheses can and should be considered. However, the combination of the variables that were shown by some sources, on the basis of a given methodological perspective, at least sets down the terms of a problem. If there are failings, they should be resolved with the aid of other accounts, with further research, and with inductions based on comparative methods. However, in this equation, there seem to be indications of relationships among migratory processes, the immigrants’ original cultures, the type of expectations harbored by the receiving society, or at least of its elites, the nature of the factors involved in the acculturation process, and others. These questions led us to discuss the relationship between the family structure established by the foreigners and their descendants, and the broader structure of social relationships, in a dialectic of changes from past and present. Some questions involved the reproductive behavior of the immigrant couples, but, as we said in the text, this area leaves much to be explained and understood. To what extent was this made clear? We wished to present the hypothesis, backed up by arguments, that the family structures at the beginning of the process of insertion of the group were built up within the immigrant environment according to broader social relationships of standards that were still traditional. To conclude, we believe that the problem was clearly circumscribed, at least in broad terms. Hopes are that the horizon of the research will be more clearly delimited and investigation will then be based on these methodological definitions and discussions. Primary and printed sources MAP of the inhabitants of [Coritiba] [old spelling] for the year of 1850. Province of Paraná, Municipality of Paraná, municipality of the capital city: demographic statistics for Andreazza, M.L. and Nadalin, S.O. 1850. Manuscript filed at Arquivo do Instituto Histórico e Geográfico Brasileiro, Rio de Janeiro. REPORTS of Presidents of the Province of Paraná [RPPPr], 1854, 1855, 1860, 1872, 1875, 1878, 1882, 1888, 1897. 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